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Edited by Adeline Patard, Rea Peltola and Emmanuelle Roussel

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Jaroslava Obrtelova

Abstract

The Wakhi verb system has until now been described as mainly tense-based with aspectual morphemes attached to the tense-based stems (past, non-past, and perfect stems). However, the analysis of narratives has raised some questions about the functions of the verb forms. The traditional linear tense-based approach does not seem to answer these questions.

This paper addresses issues in the existing classification and presents a re-analysis of the Wakhi verb tense-aspect system with regard to the complexity of the language used in various contexts, including larger discourse units. A new model of the Wakhi verb system is presented, which shows the classification of the verb forms and the interaction between them to be determined by their relation to the deictic center rather than by their location on the time axis.

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Edited by Adeline Patard, Rea Peltola and Emmanuelle Roussel

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Edited by Adeline Patard, Rea Peltola and Emmanuelle Roussel

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Denis Apothéloz

Résumé

Cet article part du constat selon lequel le passé surcomposé français, dans l’ immense majorité de ses emplois, peut recevoir deux types d’ interprétations : un type qualifié ici de résultatif, permettant d’ exprimer un état résultant localisé dans le passé ; et un type qualifié d’existentiel, exprimant la valeur de parfait d’ expérience (au sens de Zandvoort 1932). L’ auteur montre, en analysant de nombreux exemples, que ces deux types d’ interprétations se retrouvent dans tous les temps surcomposés du français, y compris les participes, et que cette opposition est donc un élément clé du système des temps composés (parfaits) de cette langue. L’ article présente également diverses observations et hypothèses concernant les fonctions et les contextes d’ utilisation des formes surcomposées.

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Edited by Adeline Patard, Rea Peltola and Emmanuelle Roussel

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Jens Fleischhauer and Ekaterina Gabrovska

Abstract

The paper investigates the role of grammatical aspect in the aspectual composition of strictly incremental theme verbs (eat and drink). It is asserted by different authors that in the Slavic languages, telicity is dependent on grammatical aspect. Only perfective incremental theme verbs, they claim, result in a telic predication. Thus, investigating aspectual composition allows us to determine whether and how grammatical aspect (perfectivity) and lexical aspect (telicity) are interrelated.

This paper examines aspectual composition in the two Slavic languages Polish and Bulgarian. The basic argumentation is that perfective aspect is neither sufficient nor necessary to achieve a telic incremental theme predication. Instead, an incremental theme predication arises under the following conditions: (i) a verbal prefix induces a lower bound on the change expressed by the verb, and (ii) the verb denotes individuated events.

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Galia Hatav

Abstract

Along with the other chapters in this volume, this chapter aims to contribute to the understanding of the semantics of grammatical aspect. In particular, it deals with the notion of perfectivity, which is considered to be the most typical category of grammatical aspect and has been given much attention in studies dealing with temporality in language.

There have been two main influential approaches dealing with the notion of perfectivity, namely, the completeness and temporal approaches. Comrie’s (1976) analysis, developed further by the part/whole theories, defines perfective and imperfective clauses as denoting complete and incomplete situations, respectively. Klein’s (1992; 1994) analysis defines the notion in purely temporal terms, stipulating that perfective clauses denote situations whose event-time is included in their reference-time while imperfective clauses denote situations whose event-time includes their reference-time. It seems to me that both approaches are compatible, as each concentrates on one of the (im)perfective properties. However, I argue that those properties are only part of the picture. Connecting the dots between several studies on aspect in general and the Russian and Biblical Hebrew aspect systems in particular, I conclude that the perfective is also a reference-time builder, as opposed to the imperfective, whose clauses must borrow their reference-time from the (extra) linguistic context.