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Abstract

This article examines the phenomenon of Soviet industrial and technical creativity (promyshlennoe i tekhnicheskoe tvorchestvo) from the late 1950s to the 1980s. It particularly focuses on the invention and rationalization movement at industrial enterprises through the lens of Soviet industrial policy. It emphasizes creativity as a labor resource and incentive developed into the oversized system and shows its structural elements and encouragements. The paper argues that from the 1950s onwards, the Soviet state placed labor creativity at the center of industrial development and homegrown vision of progress seeing it as a resource for technological competitiveness from Khrushchev’s aim to reach communism to perestroika. The Soviet leadership, however, overemphasized creativity as workers’ ability to come up with new ideas and find rapid technical solutions to industrial problems in addition to their main duties to show the creative nature of socialist labor. As a result, it developed a formalized branched system constituted by numerous institutions and nominal awards which made creativity not only an industrial necessity but to a large extent a performative product.

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

Abstract

In the context of the covid-19 pandemic, teleworking has largely become a useful model of work for many employees, managers and employers. This new style of working can be easily distinguished from traditional telework habits, especially by its imposed character. For this reason, this paper attempts to develop the term “imposed telework,” which has deeply changed the established habitual routines of employees who have never or rarely ever engaged in telework, in order to test the possibility of quasi-permanent teleworking instead of the full-time office-bound work style. Therefore, a generalization of a quasi-permanent teleworking method would be that it is a new, more environmentally-compatible professional mode; however, are employees ready for such change? This research, comprising 73 participants from France, Italy, and Turkey, clearly showed that it is too soon to generalize such a new professional model, owing to the difficulties that the participants faced, such as isolation, absenteeism, work/life conflicts, etc., even if their productivity increment was recorded.

In: Journal of Labor and Society

Abstract

While much academic effort has been devoted to exploring various aspects of right-wing extremist lone-actor terrorism, little attention has been devoted to establishing how the terrorists create meaning by locating themselves within a larger narration of history. This article tries to fill this gap, by analysing the conceptions of history and the historical narratives evoked in the manifestos that the right-wing extremist perpetrators uploaded online in relation to the terrorist attacks in Norway on July 22, 2011 and in Christchurch, New Zealand March 15, 2019. Employing a combination of discourse and narrative analysis, the article argues that a shared fascist ‘regime of historicity’ may be identified in the manifestos. Furthermore, it places the narratives found in the manifestos in relation to different right-wing extremist virtual communities.

Open Access
In: Fascism
Author: Maria Starun

Abstract

This article explores a repertoire of interactions between Alexei Sidortsev, a tenacious Soviet worker defending his rights, and the Soviet legal bureaucracy up to the Supreme Court. Using the Sidortsev case as an example, I plan to demonstrate the judicial logic of interpreting the parties’ various arguments and evidence. This case allows us to describe and analyze the range of rights and legal opportunities available to the Soviet worker under interwar law. I also focus on the rhetorical transformations of Sidortsev’s arguments, changing from ideological to pragmatically bureaucratic. Although Sidortsev was skilled in ideologized Soviet language, it was the material argument that was decisive in courts interpretations of the facts of the case. On this basis, I argue that material truth in the socialist legal consciousness is not determined by the discursive political language of denunciation that we have come to regard as defining in the Soviet system.

In: The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review
In: Scandinavism: Overlapping and Competing Identities in the Nordic World, 1770-1919
In: Scandinavism: Overlapping and Competing Identities in the Nordic World, 1770-1919
In: Scandinavism: Overlapping and Competing Identities in the Nordic World, 1770-1919
In: Scandinavism: Overlapping and Competing Identities in the Nordic World, 1770-1919
In: Scandinavism: Overlapping and Competing Identities in the Nordic World, 1770-1919