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Dans L’art de la guerre chez les Mamelouks, Mehdi Berriah fait la lumière sur les mécanismes autour desquels s’articulaient la conduite et la pratique de la guerre de l’armée mamelouke. Les Mamelouks en firent l’une des plus performantes du Proche-Orient médiéval aux XIIIe-XIVe siècles, ce qui leur a permis de repousser le triple danger (Mongols, Francs et Arméniens) qui menaçait les territoires du dār al-Islām au Proche-Orient. D’origine servile, provenant majoritairement des steppes eurasiatiques et du Caucase, les Mamelouks étaient recrutés avant tout pour la guerre. Celle-ci fut leur raison d’être, leur légitimité politico-religieuse provenant exclusivement de leurs exploits militaires. À partir d’un large corpus mêlant chroniques (arabes, latines, arméniennes et persanes), sources didactiques et travaux archéologiques, Mehdi Berriah offre le premier livre expliquant, avec détail, les succès militaires des Mamelouks bahrites sur différents fronts face à leurs trois principaux ennemis, et leur quasi-invincibilité sur terre, lesquels in fine permirent au sultanat de s’imposer comme la première puissance dans la région à la fin du VIIIe/XIVe siècle.
Free access
In: Journal of African Military History
In: Contemporary Arab Affairs
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Abstract

About ten per cent of Egyptian students are registered in 27 private universities and four private community universities in Egypt, amounting to 300,000 students studying in 169 faculties. Based on resident field experiences and drawing on communications with senior university managers in two private universities spanning six years, this research argues that a number of challenges persist in the implementation of transnational education in Egypt. Through the prisms of rational choice theory and institutional theory, it is found that underfunding, political interference (including ‘pedagogical balancing’) and negative norms set by university owners, managers and students alike, compounded by macro-economic instability, have had a major impact on the student experience and wider society. The findings are to various degrees applicable to other states in the Middle East, Africa and the wider Global South, as well as primary foreign stakeholders, such as the United Kingdom in this case.

In: Contemporary Arab Affairs
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Abstract

The conflict resulting from settler colonialism in historic Palestine has entered its second century. Behind the conflicting narratives and socio-political ideologies and doctrines are collective cognition or knowledge systems (epistemes). Both Palestinian and Zionist minds, being multi-centric, with their main bases focusing on historic Palestine, are undergoing dynamic changes. The Nakba of 1948, and the dispersion of the Palestinian population ever since, divided and diversified the Palestinian knowledge system in and outside historic Palestine. This article is an attempt to “epistemize” the narration and interpretation of this highly political and ideological struggle. It attempts to identify the building units of the Palestinian identity, which have directed the past and could determine paradigms of Palestinian struggle in the decades to come. It also tries to highlight the urgency and feasibility of networking dispersed Palestinian communities towards a new, reunited, Palestinian epistemic body.

In: Contemporary Arab Affairs
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Abstract

This article aims to compare the contents, discourse, and message frames of two Twitter accounts targeting Arab audiences using Arabic: first, the official account of Sayyid Ali Hosseini Khamenei (@khamenei_ir), who is a Twelver Shia Marja and current supreme leader of the Iranian regime, the second since 1989; and the official account of Recep Tayyip Erdogan (@RTErdogan), the president of Turkey since 2014. Covering all tweets from June 2018 to June 2020, the study collected 712 Khamenei and 388 Erdogan tweets. The article applies content analysis and framing theory, basing the analysis process on a mixed methodology (quantitative and qualitative) that uses grounded theory and considers each tweet as a unit of analysis. It reveals fifteen themes on Erdogan’s Twitter account and sixteen on Khamenei’s. The article shows that these two sets of themes were both convergent and divergent.

Open Access
In: Contemporary Arab Affairs

Abstract

This article seeks to shed light on the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Kuwaiti parliamentary elections of 2023. It identifies a number of structural factors behind the increase in the number of Muslim Brotherhood deputies: the weak coordination of the Salafist movement; the return of Sheikh Ahmed Al-Fahd Al-Sabah to the government; and Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s victory in the 2023 Turkish presidential elections. The article is based on fieldwork collecting data from primary sources, including the official electoral data issued by the Ministry of the Interior and the Kuwait News Agency, in addition to meetings with political candidates and activists in Kuwait. It concludes that the dominance of conservatives in the Kuwaiti parliament has played an important role in the composition of the Kuwaiti government, which is dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood. This will determine the nature of the future relationship between parliament and government.

In: Contemporary Arab Affairs
Free access
In: Contemporary Arab Affairs
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Abstract

This article deals with the reasons and dynamics of the Lebanese immigration to Brazil since the end of the 19th century onward, adding figures and charts to better expose and explain this social economic phenomena. For this, the article relied on a number of fugures, statisctics and studies to explain the reasons for this mass immigration of the Lebanese people.

In: Contemporary Arab Affairs