The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.
The paper examines the determinants of vulnerability to expected poverty in Tanzania. Following Landau et al. (2012), Chaudhuri (2000) and Chaudhuri et al. (2003) on estimating Vulnerability to Expected Poverty (VEP), the paper uses a three waves of Tanzania National Panel Survey Data for Tanzania collected between 2008/2009, 2010/2011 and 2012/2013 to find that being employed in agriculture, residing in rural area and household size turns out to be significantly more likely to be poor in the future, at a given consumption level and in all cross-section combination. It also appeared that most of the variables were statistically insignificant at influencing the conditional variance of future consumption across household characteristics. Lastly, nearly 39.42% and 59.49% of households who were poor in 2008 turned out to be less vulnerable in 2010 and 2012 respectively and the rest turned out to be high vulnerable. Thus, consumption stabilization strategies are likely to be influential if they target families whose household head is aging.
Women’s engagement in rural land sales has been a significant aspect of land tenure dynamics with varied implications to their livelihoods and wellbeing. However, the factors that influence women’s decisions and the modalities of such engagement have not received much attention in social analysis, specifically with regard to women’s perceptions, responses and actions towards land sales, especially in situations of land shortage. In the context where multiple and interacting factors are continuing to transform rural land tenure patterns, this article discusses the varied implications of recent land sales to women, with possible extension of their vulnerabilities, yet also re-invigorating women’s agency regarding land ownership rights. Using a feminist political-ecological perspective, this article shows how women act under constraining circumstances to transform gender relations and patterns of land ownership with varying outcomes to their wellbeing. The findings also suggest deeper interrogation on the capacities of grassroots structures obligated to oversee land tenure security for communities and upholding women’s rights of access to land.
The gravity model is applied to construct a collaborative innovation network between cities in the Yangtze River Delta, analyzes its structural characteristics and evolution from a network perspective, and proposes development strategies. This will help optimize the network structure of collaborative innovation among cities in the Yangtze River Delta, improve the efficiency of collaborative innovation, and promote their innovation level together. Based on the data of urban innovation indexes in 2006, 2011 and 2016, this paper reveals the structural characteristics and evolution of the collaborative innovation network between cities in the Yangtze River Delta, and puts forward corresponding development strategies. The findings are as follows: (1) The overall innovation capability of cities in the Yangtze River Delta has been continuously improved, and the strength of collaborative innovation links between cities has slowly increased. (2) The innovation development of cities in the Yangtze River Delta is unbalanced and asymmetrical. The network presents a significant “core-periphery” spatial structure and a “multi-center, multi-level” pattern, and central cities drive the development of surrounding cities. (3) A reasonable regional innovation community should be constructed from the perspectives of spatial coordination, innovation industry chain integration and resource sharing, and the collaborative innovation network should be optimized.
The accession by Tanzania to the Marrakesh Treaty has set up a new legal platform and benchmark which calls for national policy and regulatory review, particularly to the legislation governing copyright and rights of persons with disabilities. From its inception, copyright law hinges on a cautiously tailored regulatory approach calculated to accommodate competing interests of the copyright owners and users. The legislative thrust centers on devising a balanced approach cognizant of the need to promote artistic and literary creativity while at the same time making copyright law serve broader public interests. The Marrakesh Treaty was negotiated and subsequently adopted along the lines of public interest considerations. It seeks to create a defined legal framework that would facilitate access to the published materials and other information in accessible format for persons who are print disabled. Tanzania accessed the Treaty in the year 2020. Thus, this paper explores the policy and legislative implications to Tanzania pursuant to her accession to the Treaty. It concludes by highlighting that, a holistic policy and legislative review is necessary in order for Tanzania to fully adhere to its obligations under the Treaty.
This article is an empirical study of the causal factors of electoral violence in gubernatorial elections in Oyo state from 2007 to 2015 and its implications on the state’s democratisation process. The methodology is qualitative, drawing data from primary and secondary sources. Data were analysed using content analysis. The article adopted political clientelism and patronage as the theoretical framework. Findings revealed that the nature of politics based on clientelism and patronage and the politicisation of leadership tussle of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were among the factors responsible for violence in the state during the period of the study. It is recommended that the establishment of a Joint Security Consultative Council can help in securing future elections.
Over the past ten years universities in Tanzania through the Committee of Vice Chancellors, Principals of Public and Private Universities in Tanzania (CVCPT), have been in dispute with the Copyright Society of Tanzania (COSOTA) over the exploitation of literary copyright protected works. This long-standing dispute has centered on a controversial copyright licensing of reproduction and rental rights scheme issued by COSOTA. On the one hand, universities claim reproduction and rental rights for educational purposes are exempted from the requirement of license under the doctrine of “free use” while the licensing body refutes such claim. This article is set to critically discuss this tension and suggest how the dispute may be resolved. The present analysis is governed by the international and national legal framework on copyright exemptions and limitations.
President Yahya Jammeh’s volte face, following his earlier acceptance of the verdicts of the Gambians during the 1 December 2016 presidential poll, did not only jolt the international community but, if not for the intervention of external actors, would have set the Gambia on the path of implosion. This article, based on desk analysis, examines the mediatory role of ECOWAS in the resolution of the 2016 post-election crisis in the Gambia. It notes that unlike the previous similar case in Cote d’Ivoire, ECOWAS took the lead in resolving the political crisis and thus demonstrated that Pax Africana is at work in the sub-region. It argues and concludes that ECOWAS with or without the support from outsiders has the capacity to take charge of threats to democracy and peace in member states, by deploying mediatory diplomacy backed with threat of coercion.
In 2017, Zimbabwe recorded a military intervention that left President Mugabe out of office. The replacement government has created a raft of controversial measures and policies. The study therefore explored the implications of the coup to policy formulation and execution vis-à-vis the rights and security of the people. The study followed a democratic governance framework. It focused on demonstration participants and active soldiers during the coup. Twenty civilian demonstrators and ten soldiers were sampled from Harare which was the centre of the coup. Data were analysed using Narrative Latent Content method. The study established that policy formulation is driven by both emotions and the desire to protect committers of the coup from possible accountability. It also established that in-order to safeguard its interests, the regime has crafted repressive laws that are however unsustainable.
People respond in different manners to various injuries or illnesses. Factors that influence response to illness or injuries are usually categorized into enabling factors, predisposing factors and perceived factors. These responses are self-treatment, seeking healthcare services from professional healthcare providers (private, public and mission healthcare facilities), seeking treatment from traditional healers and not seeking treatment at all. Despite an increase in the utilization rate of healthcare facilities, there is still a high prevalence of self-treatment among households in Kenya. This article, therefore, aims to examine the factors that influence household’s choice of the healthcare provider by making use of national household survey data subjected to multinomial probit regression analysis. The article evidences that severity of illness, wealth, health insurance, distance, employment status, education as well as place of residence influences household’s choice of healthcare provider. This implies that government should institute policies aimed at creating employment opportunities, promoting education, construction of additional healthcare facilities and encouraging more households to have health insurance covers.