Seventy Years of History as Seen Through German Courts
The Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs in the Early Cold War
Edited by Alison Kraft and Carola Sachse
Contributors are Gordon Barrett, Matthew Evangelista, Silke Fengler, Alison Kraft, Fabian Lüscher, Doubravka Olšáková, Geoffrey Roberts, Paul Rubinson, and Carola Sachse.
Edited by Karin Priem and Frederik Herman
Edited by Niklas Bernsand and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa
Exchanges Beyond the Bloc Logic and the Sino-Soviet Split
Edited by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Marco Wyss and Valeria Zanier
In going beyond existing historiography, the book comparatively focuses on the relations of both Eastern and Western Europe with the PRC, and adopts a global history approach that also includes non-state and transnational actors. This will allow the reader to learn that the bloc logic and the Sino-Soviet split were indeed influential, yet not all-determining factors in the relations between Europe and China.
Challenges and Reflections
Edited by Sheila Pereira Khan, Maria Paula Meneses and Bjørn Enge Bertelsen
Drawing on the disciplines of history, literature studies, anthropology, political science, economy and art history, the book serves not only as a generous introduction to Mozambique but also as a case study of a southern African country.
Contributors are: Signe Arnfred, Bjørn Enge Bertelsen, José Luís Cabaço, Ana Bénard da Costa, Anna Maria Gentili, Ana Margarida Fonseca, Randi Kaarhus, Sheila Pereira Khan, Maria Paula Meneses, Lia Quartapelle, Amy Schwartzott, Leonor Simas-Almeida, Anne Sletsjøe, Sandra Sousa, Linda van de Kamp.
Maximilian Graf and Wolfgang Mueller
This chapter is the first scholarly approach to Austrian-Chinese relations in the Cold War. Until regaining full sovereignty in 1955, Austria was not allowed to establish, without permission of the Four Powers, diplomatic relations with countries that were not members of the United Nations (UN). Therefore, the country, unlike Switzerland in 1950, did not recognize the People’s Republic of China (PRC) right after its creation and the existing legation with the Republic of China in Nanjing was closed down. After 1955, neutral Austria followed the general practice of not officially recognizing the communist part of divided countries. The first unofficial Austrian-PRC interactions of the 1950s and 1960s largely aimed at establishing economic contacts. Following an international trend in the context of the PRC joining the UN, Vienna recognized the Beijing regime in 1971. Austria quickly reacted to China’s economic re-orientation starting in 1979. Cultural exchanges (and later, tourism) were used as soft-power instruments for raising the PRC’s interest in trade with Austria. Like in relations with the Soviet Union, Austria increasingly pursued a neutralist policy toward the PRC, focusing on economic benefits, while mentioning humanitarian misgivings only on the sidelines of high-level encounters. With Taiwan, neutral Austria does currently not maintain diplomatic relations.
Since the very early days of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), official youth organizations played a prominent role in both domestic politics and China’s outward strategy serving as a tool for the realization of the Chinese Communist Party’s goals. This chapter examines the political role of the Communist Youth League (CYL) in Mao’s China with a focus on external exchanges developed in the context of the relative peace and stability that followed the Korean War. After providing an overview of the CYL’s role and mission in the newly established PRC, the chapter delves into the analysis of the international dimension of ‘youth work’ and attempts to reconstruct the PRC’s engagement with Soviet-dependent international youth organizations. It shows that the World Federation of Democratic Youth provided the newly established PRC with precious opportunities to not only promote a peaceful and friendly image of China globally, but also to build contacts and develop exchanges with Western European representatives, allowing the development of Sino–European cultural and political dialogue at a time of intense Cold War.
Margaret K. Gnoinska
The chapter analyses the role and significance of the Sino-Polish Joint Shipping Venture dubbed Chipolbrok that was established in 1951 to further bilateral maritime relations. The author argues that the venture served as a constant in the Sino-Polish relationship when state, party, economic, military, and cultural ties hit rock bottom once Poland officially sided with Moscow in the Sino-Soviet split. Despite their ideological differences, China and Poland regarded the venture to be economically and politically useful. Chipolbrok’s unbroken continuity served as a conduit for China to gain allies in competition with the USSR and to disseminate propaganda of Maoist thought. Chipolbrok also allowed Warsaw some autonomy in interactions with Beijing and a stronger foothold in China during the Cultural Revolution, thereby offering an opportunity to witness first-hand the political, social, and economic transformation that was taking place throughout China. In turn, such knowledge provided the Poles with expertise and some leverage vis-à-vis its Soviet bloc counterparts and even the USSR. Overall, institutions such as Chipolbrok served as vehicles for smaller countries like Poland to have some autonomy in their interactions with China, which were otherwise controlled by Moscow and its efforts to coordinate foreign policy within the communist bloc.