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Shulin Zhou and Chienliang Kuo

Abstract

How nonprofit organizations (NPO) utilize social media to engage in advocacy work is regarded as one of the most important challenges in the digital economy era. However, although current studies pay their attention to how NPO react to the prevalence of social media, less focus is paid on how social media help to shape NPO’s practices on advocacy work. To help close the gap between theory and practice, this research explores whether the alignment between NPO’s advocacy practices and features of social media determine the NPO’s usage on social media. In particular, how the crowdfunding platform, an emerging and powerful form of social media, is used by NPO is investigated. Those crowdfunding projects initiated by NPO in FlyingV, the most well-known crowdfunding platform in Taiwan, are taken as the data source for analysis in this paper. The findings reveal that crowdfunding platforms are beneficial to NPO in turns of gaining resources and attracting participants, which then fostering the realization of advocacy activities. As well, the efficiency of crowdfunded projects (or advocacy proposals) is mainly determined by the number of participants (or sponsors). However, based on the findings, it is argued that NPO so far have not realized the power of crowdfunding platforms, thus not yet regarding crowdfunding platforms as key social media or strategic weapons in strengthening their impact or contribution on advocacy work relevant to their missions.

Zehua Yan

Abstract

In the China-specific dual management system of social organizations, competent government department’s support for and supervision over industrial associations affect and even determine their political engagement and policy advocacy. By analyzing the technological incubator association in the city of T, this paper finds that when local government departments have overlapping duties and interests, the industrial association, if it can help the disadvantaged department increase the chips for the power and resource game, can receive more attention, support and policy discourse power from that department. Besides, in the local government’s management model, a big enterprise with scale and resource advantages has more chances to communicate and interact with the government department that’s superior to the one in charge of the industrial association, so the industrial association in which this big enterprise is a member can get more attention and support from the competent department, making it more effective in policy advocacy.

Shuoyan Li

Abstract

How non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China overcome external control from the state and advocate their mission under the dual-management system? While studies on the bargaining between NGOs and the competent authority mostly emphasize the use of persona connections at individual level, little research focuses on the strategy of how NGOs use institutional factors. This article argues that NGOs could get rid of the external control by creating new institutional links with the government, which provides NGOs more opportunities in advocacy. Based on an in-depth case study, this article takes an environmental NGO in H City of Z Province as an example to illustrate how the organization develops relationships with a new authority. This new institutional link helps the NGO to reduce its dependence on the single authority and enhance its autonomy. The changed power structure ultimately enables the NGO to expand its space for advocacy.

Wenjuan Zhang

Abstract

While globalization creates an ambitious space for NGOs to play a large role in policy-making and problem-solving the concern about their accountability always remains there. As the biggest developing countries, India and China have attracted lots of international aid and INGOs’ attention. Recently, both have taken serious efforts to regulate or even to control INGOs’ influence in domestic context despite the difference of their political systems. It is worthy of comparative analysis in a nuanced way on their similarities and differences of why and how to regulate. As a reflection, it is also a good moment for relevant stakeholders to re-imagine the global governance and their relevant role.

Xinyao Zheng and Zongchao Peng

Abstract

The number of non-governmental organizations in Egypt continued to grow before 2011. The middle class became the main participants in the political movement against Mubarak regime in 2011. However, it could not be attributed to the mobilization by non-governmental organizations. Based on regression analysis results of the questionnaire survey conducted by Arab Barometer in 2011, NGOs’ mobilization of their middle-class members was almost ineffective. As for the underclass, only the charitable organizations had a strong mobilization effect. From the two aspects of consensus mobilization and action mobilization, the paper explains the reasons why non-governmental organizations failed to mobilize their middle-class members and the specific mechanism for charitable organizations to mobilize their underclass members. Egypt’s experience shows that NGOs do not necessarily act as the main driving force of political resistance, which depends on NGOs’ capability of mobilizing their members for consensus and action, and for different social classes, the mobilization effects show great differences.

Tzu-Shen Yang and Min-Hsiu Chiang

Abstract

In recent years, social enterprises in Taiwan have experienced a period of growth and are becoming more diversified. At the same time, the government is paying more attention to fostering a policy-friendly environment for their development. Despite growing interest in social enterprises, research on this phenomenon remains limited in Taiwan. Using a cross-sectoral perspective, this study is based on qualitative data from in-depth interviews on social enterprises. There are three main findings, first, the development of Taiwan’s social enterprise policy is deeply affected by different sectors. Second, the roles of the sectors are distinct and there is frequent cross-sectoral cooperation. Third, there is still a gap between the government sector’s and other sectors’ views of the social enterprise policy.

Chao Zhang

Abstract

In Western countries, the grassroots NGO coalition plays a significant role in promoting the public expression of vulnerable communities. Grassroots NGO coalition has gradually become the leading actor of national policy advocacy by resources and scale of community members. However, China’s grassroots NGOs coalition face many restrictions regarding organizational resources and political opportunities structure. Firstly, the grassroots NGOs relatively lack professionalism, funding, and other critical organizational resources. Secondly, the grassroots NGOs themselves and their coalition have difficulty obtaining legal status and have no institutional channels for policy expression. This unfavorable situation requires them to innovate ‘alternative’ strategies for public expression. The article finds that the grassroots NGO coalition of vulnerable communities has built up the political legitimacy of advocacy action by absorbing powerful social and political elites. It has also cooperated with international NGO to make up for the lack of internal and external resources, which also can expand the social impact and public attention on policy advocacy. Then, the grassroots NGO coalition selects the existing institutional channel for individuals as an intermediary to contacting government officials, submitting policy proposals. Meanwhile, the grassroots NGO coalition adopts professional elites to build the professionalism and social legitimacy of proposals. National policy advocacy also expands the political opportunities structure of local advocacy by promoting local citizens and grassroots NGOs to conduct social surveys, providing policy templates, and communicating with daily virtual communities. The changing structure offers the possibility for continuous advocacy action.

Wangcheng Zhang, Feng Chen and Xiaoyan Liu

Abstract

This article studies the community’s inappropriate volunteer structure. An examination of the questionnaire of a community in Beijing shows the youth are indeed absent from the voluntary service of their community, but it is not because the youth lack the will or motivation to join in the voluntary service. Actually, it is closely related to the insufficient supply of the voluntary service in the community, which is mainly attributable to the bureaucratization of the community committee. Under the precondition of keeping the current social management system unchanged, to spur more youth on to join in the volunteer team of their community has to rely on upgrading related social techniques to enhance the community’s voluntary service supply capability.

Yulin Lai

Abstract

The article proposes the triple-agent model of Chaoshan charitable temples’ operation, which is characterized by the interactive relationship between charitable undertakings and folk belief and belief economy. First, folk belief including the belief in Master Dafeng and related religious concepts can inspire believers’ charity motives and urge them to participate in charitable undertakings. The charity motives of believers are mostly self-interested or altruistic self-interested. Second, charitable undertakings, in turn, can “euphemize” and “legitimate” folk belief. XY Charitable Temple highlights to the outside world its charitable undertakings and the charitable meaning of its folk belief to euphemize the religious meaning of its folk belief and thus to maintain its political legitimacy. Finally, the development of belief economy provides operating funds for charitable undertakings. Belief economy is composed of charitable temple economy, deity economy and folklore economy, and they all have important folk belief elements. In addition, the income from folklore service features XY Charitable Temple’s revenue, from which the strategy of “religious governance” of charitable temples’ operation can be observed.

Yuxin Lan

Abstract

As Chinese NGOs are trying to go abroad under the Belt and Road Initiative, understanding the existing niche, discourse, and paradigm of the mainstream transnational NGOs in current international development aid system is crucial for Chinese NGOs to adapt and develop their own identity on value and norms. Based on key researchers’ observations, historical facts and statistics, this research examines the mainstream NGOs’ evolution in organization, action and discourse embedded in the macro-history of transnational NGOs and transformation of the international development aid system; it sums up the transformation around three macroscopic relations to understand and evaluate the action paradigm and discourse of the contemporary mainstream NGOs in transnational development, namely, around “Transnational NGO-State” relations a change from the private sphere to the public sphere, around “North-South” relations a shift from one-way aid to equal cooperation, and on “NGO-Society” relations an evolvement from voluntarism to professionalism. In the end the article points out the difference between Chinese NGOs and those of the developed countries in terms of the origin, timing, goal and discourse and specifies five basic questions China must face in its identity building.