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Abstract
Human rights and environmental protections are often violated as a consequence of development activities. In addition to harming the environment, this increases the marginalisation of those who are already marginalised. The development paradigm that is based on the interests of the majority not only tends to retard the indigenous people but also renders them incapable of competing with the majority. For the indigenous people, development has always been a problem rather than a solution. Development initiatives under the umbrella of globalisation with a label of monotony, ignore the aspects of the diverse livelihoods of many indigenous peoples. The Niti Aayog proposed in its vision document, the Sustainable Development of Little Andaman, in 2021, that the island should be developed into a megacity by utilising its natural features and strategic location. The long-term objective is to develop the island into a major financial tourism hub that can rival Hong Kong and Singapore. This plan will, on the one hand, advance commerce, employment, and economic growth; on the other hand, environmental conservation issues will also arise. Concerns over this vision document have indeed been voiced by several academics, environmentalists, and conservationists due to issues with Onge indigenous rights, ecological fragility, and earthquake and tsunami susceptibility. In this context, the research article aims to study and analyse the proposed megacity project and its impact on the rights of Onge tribes and the environment.
Abstract
Nigeria criminalised same sex marriages in 2014 which put a state approval to homophobic violence and discrimination. Just in 2021, Ghana made a similar and even more dangerous move towards homophobia when its parliament had a bill proposed towards the criminalisation of the advocacy for gay people and would legitimise prosecution of the members of the lgbt+. These developments have left sexual minorities vulnerable by making them open to attacks from homophobic people and creating institutionalised discrimination. Through a phenomenological research approach, this study would examine how legal frameworks influence the recognition and protection of rights for sexual minorities in Ghana and Nigeria. Unstructured interviews with members of the lgbt and human rights advocates would be conducted both in Nigeria and Ghana. Content analysis, especially conceptual analysis, would be done on the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana 1992 and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, human rights norms, journal articles and other secondary materials. This study would conclude that homophobia cedes state agency to non-state actors and undermines the right to life as protected in the Ghanaian and Nigerian constitutions. Strategies for advocacy against homophobia and for the protection of the rights of sexual minorities would be recommended.
Abstract
This study delves into the intricate dynamics between tribal communities and states, acknowledging their complex relationships. While not aiming for exhaustive understanding, it aims to illuminate the convoluted nature of these connections, which often puzzle the average citizen entrenched within other societal structures. By examining the relationships between tribal societies and the Iraqi, Syrian, Saudi Arabian, and Israeli (Palestinian) states, focusing on the interplay between tribal and public spheres, this study presents four fundamental models. Its primary goal is to discern whether these connections reflect harmony, conflict, or accommodation with established authorities.
Abstract
This study examined how labour migrations, which provide a veritable platform for nation-building, has been thwarted in Nigeria by the political elite through the politics of indigene-settler phenomenon. Though extant studies had examined the indigene-settler syndrome, the prospects of labour migration for nation-building in the country, which this entails, has been understudied. This paper, therefore, provides an insightful investigation into how the intricate web of politics of inclusion, exclusion, and deprivations between the indigenes and labour migrants or settlers in various states has tended to thwart nation-building efforts in the country. The study argues that the indigene-settler phenomenon undermines the facilitative capacity of labour migration for the actualization of the nation’s productive potentials and the construction of a common nationhood. It found that the indigene-settler syndrome is an elite construct to advance and protect their economic and political interests within the polity. It further contends that the elite’s coincidence of interests over scarce resources leads to inter-elite competition in which the indigeneity card is deployed as a potent politico-economic tool to gain advantage over contending elites. The study advocates for inclusive politics as the route to true nationhood devoid of mistrust, fears of marginalization and acrimonious competition for power.
Abstract
Since 1991, Ethiopia embarked on a journey to create an ethnically egalitarian state, aiming to rectify historical injustices and protect minority rights. Ironically, what was meant to be a beacon of equality has turned into a pervasive experience of minority marginalization. This stark reality underscores the failures of the existing legal and institutional frameworks. This article, therefore, critically examine the transformative strategies to end marginalization of minorities in Ethiopia. The study employed a qualitative research approach blending both primary and secondary data sources. The findings revealed that the failures of existing constitutional promises and institutional frameworks regarding the protection of minority rights, necessitating re-imaginations of transformative strategies. The study advocates for the progression of national and local minority rights institutions, the implementation of transitional justice measures, the instigation of electoral reforms, and the decentralization of power. Furthermore, the establishment of minority autonomous governance and the augmentation of local government capacity are recommended. Additionally, the formation of national minority councils, accentuating parliamentary endorsement for legislative reforms by minority representatives and public service reform is suggested to enhance minority employment opportunities. Lastly, the study recommended equal media access to promote the political participation and freedom of expression of marginalized minority groups.
Abstract
The Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, the only comprehensive international minority rights treaty, was adopted in 1995 to counter ethnocentric exclusionary tendencies characteristic of newly emerging democracies in East-Central Europe. It has been evaluated as largely successful in developing progressive standards on minority rights, while judged less efficient in implementing them across member states. This article shows on the example of Slovakia that this traditional narrative conceals another important one: while the Framework Convention’s monitoring body, the Advisory Committee, maintains formally progressive positions, in substance it is becoming more accommodating of exclusionary practices.
By comparing the Advisory Committee’s standards expressed in its periodic opinions on Slovakia to developments on the ground, the article demonstrates that the international standards are in fact deteriorating. The Advisory Committee’s recent opinions are much more favourable to the Slovak government’s policies on minority rights. Yet, a detailed analysis shows that those policies have not become more minority-friendly in practice. In fact, in several ways they have regressed. The current acceptance of practices it criticized in the past is an important shift in the Advisory Committee’s position. Yet this shift is not reflected in its formal standards, which remain progressive. The analysis shows that the Advisory Committee’s lack of transparency in its monitoring procedures leads to a misrepresentation of the situation of minority rights, which provides cover for anti-minority practices. This makes it difficult for outside observers to evaluate the true state of minority rights and the effectiveness of international standards.
In closing, the article engages with the normative assumptions behind the Advisory Committee’s approach. The Framework Convention does not have a strong enforcement mechanism, therefore cooperation with governments is essential to ensure compliance. However, by accommodating exclusionary practices, the Committee also legitimizes them. While valid arguments can be raised both for and against this approach, it is difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of this trade-off because of its clandestine nature. More transparent monitoring would give legitimacy to an objective international standard, which the current approach risks undermining.
Abstract
The Rohingya, a Muslim minority living mainly in the northern Rakhine state of Myanmar, are considered illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, despite the fact that they have settled in Myanmar for hundreds of years. Myanmar recognized 135 ethnic groups under the 1982 Citizenship Act which excludes the Rohingya as an ethnic group in Myanmar and they became stateless. Myanmar Security Forces have committed grave violation of human rights against Rohingya. The latest attack in 2017 was more heinous than in 1978, 1992, and 2012. As of June 2018, The Rohingya refugee in Bangladesh was portrayed as a protracted refugee situation. In many protracted refugee situations, a durable solution such as local integration, resettlement and voluntary repatriations needed to be implemented to end the prolonged displacement. The aim of this paper is to discuss the most feasible durable solutions to be implemented to repatriate Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.
Abstract
Purpose: The prevalence of armed conflicts in Africa seems commonplace, with little possibility to their end. This study aims to challenge a narrative that seem to consider ethnicity, or ethnic differences as the main causes of armed civil conflicts in Africa. This study argues that while ethnicity might play a role in conflict formation, ethnicity is simply a Trojan horse that is impishly presented as the main cause of armed conflicts in Africa.
Design/Methodology: Data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. To evaluate the ethnicity vs. conflict nexus more conscientiously, this study provided two case examples: Ethiopia and Kenya, each providing distinct political trajectories.
Findings: The study finds that ethnicity is not the main cause of armed conflicts in Africa; rather, the main causal factors are embedded in bad governance practices by political elites and their cronies. Notable is the practice of politics of power grab and marginalisation of certain groups to achieve Machiavellian ends. The additional causal factor is tied to external imperial exploitative motives of looting Africa’s natural resources, often using African puppets, bagmen and traitors of their own homeland. Thus, a combination of bad local governance practices and external economic interests is mainly what has led to a surge in armed civil conflicts in Africa.
Originality/Value: The novelty of this study is that it challenges conventional political standpoints on the causes of ethnic-related conflicts and the solutions needed to end/reduce them. The study has achieved this by pushing the cloak of appreciating the scope and scale of Africa’s armed conflicts by advancing the argument that conflict management solutions lie inward rather than outward through the utilisation of local or homegrown conflict resolution mechanisms. Such local mechanisms must focus on addressing bad governance practices. The current penchant of relying on international or foreign mediatory systems as solutions is done merely at the behest of global politicking and, as such, only provides cosmetic solutions, hence themselves responsible for those protracted ethnic-related conflicts.