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Izawati Wook

The concept of procedural justice has been promoted as a potential solution in the contest for resources involving indigenous peoples and others. It seeks the formulation of processes that are fair and just both to indigenous peoples and to the other parties affected. Using a comparative approach, this paper analyses processes and mechanisms adopted in some selected common law jurisdictions against the ideal of procedural justice. It seeks to consider mechanisms which conform to the principle of procedural justice to address the issue of indigenous peoples’ rights to land and resources in Malaysia. The principle is relevant in Malaysian common law which also subjects matters affecting fundamental liberties to procedural justice. Comparative perspectives provide models for practical applications of indigenous peoples’ rights. They assist policy analysis through learning from the successes and failures of other jurisdictions in improving legal reform.

Ebenezer Durojaye and Mariam Wallet Med Aboubakrine

This article examines non-communicable diseases (ncds) as a challenge among indigenous population in Africa. From a rights-based perspective, the article considers some of the social determinants of health and other challenges that can aggravate ncds among indigenous groups in Africa. It further examines the recognition of the right to health of indigenous populations under international law. This is followed by a discussion on some of the barriers to addressing ncds among indigenous peoples in the region. It concludes by urging African governments to be more proactive in adopting measures grounded in human rights standards to address the rising incidence of ncds among indigenous peoples in the region.

Athanasios Yupsanis

Hungary has been praised by international monitoring bodies and scholars specializing in minority rights for being a pioneer in establishing a sophisticated cultural autonomy regime for the safeguarding of the cultural rights of its minorities, which could serve as a salient example for other countries too. However, after nearly twenty-five years of implementation, during which a major amendment of the original Act lxxvii of 1993 on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities (2005) took place, followed further by the adoption of a new Act clxxix on the Rights of Nationalities (2011), there continue to exist serious problems in the operation of the whole arrangement, putting in question its efficacy to adequately address the cultural needs of Hungary’s minorities and to serve as a model for exportation.

Naomi Birdthistle, Antoinette Flynn and Susan Rushworth

Ethnic entrepreneurship has emerged as an economic, societal, and political panacea to the growing number of refugees on the move across the globe. Employing the 2014 World Economic Forum framework, this article seeks to explore the Australian entrepreneurship ecosystem, to determine whether it is enabling migrants and/or refugees to become entrepreneurs with a focus on Syrian refugees. At its core, the Australian entrepreneurship ecosystem is comparatively strong in terms of human capital, accessible markets, and finance. Even within the three ‘core’ characteristics of the ecosystem, the Australian ecosystem falls short when examined through the lens of refugee entrepreneurs. Recommendations under the 2014 World Economic Forum framework are made that will assist key stakeholders in developing an entrepreneurial ecosystem.

Roser Cussó

Minority protection under the League of Nations (LoN) generated an unprecedented level of activity and debate on the topic, which in turn contributed to the general advancement of human rights. Nevertheless, it is also important to note that the League’s Secretariat developed rather conservative practices regarding the receivability of minorities’ petitions as well as on some important related decisions. Our perspective here contrasts with what is commonly found in the associated historiography, i.e. that the part played by the Minorities Section was rather neutral. Without downplaying the importance of some states’ resistance to the protection of minorities and its supervision, the Section’s narrow interpretation of the LoN jurisdiction is noteworthy, as is the absence of serious attempts to take advantage of the decisions in favour of minorities made by the LoN Assembly. The way the Section constructed the non-receivability of petitions, especially those which were ‘outside treaties’, illustrates our argument.

A. Aslı Bilgin

The foundation of European Integration is based on economic objectives from the beginning of the 1950s. The founding treaties did not include provisions regarding minority rights. Minority rights have been a foundational value since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, but there is no legislation related to minority rights or internal minority policy at the European Union (eu) level, because of the absence of competence given to eu institutions. This study analyses how issues relating to minority protection are handled vis-a-vis internal market objectives under eu law in the light of primary, secondary and eu case-law. While determining the legal framework on minority rights in the eu, not only the impact of the case-law of the cjeu on minority protection, but also the possibility of the cjeu’s power to establish an internal minority policy and the Member States’ approaches to an internal minority policy have been taken into consideration.

Angela Di Gregorio

This paper analyses the use of the rule-of-law principle in the jurisprudence of the constitutional courts of the new Member States of the European Union. The purpose is to discover whether past or recent decisions could clarify the use of the principle in these countries. An example is the legalistic concept of the rule of law as expressed by the Hungarian and Polish constitutional courts in examining the constitutionality of lustration laws. On the other hand, some constitutional courts (such as the Czech one) have used a wider and more sophisticated application of the rule of law. Considering the severe rule-of-law crisis which has been taking place in Hungary and Poland in recent years, this recognition is particularly important in order to avoid cumulative judgments that could devalue the former communist countries in general, trivializing the harsh path of democratic conditionality with its strengths and weaknesses.

Dovilė Pūraitė-Andrikienė

This article discusses the need, preconditions and possibilities for modifying the constitutionally consolidated regulation whereby the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania gives conclusions on the issues specified in the Constitution while, on the basis of its conclusions, the Seimas takes a final decision; in addition, the discussion looks at other issues that have emerged in the course of the lately adjudicated cases of the type in question and necessitate the modification of the consolidated legal regulation. These issues are examined in the context of powers conferred on constitutional justice institutions in other Central and Eastern European states, with a view to comparing the scope of powers vested with constitutional justice institutions in Lithuania and other states of this region in the area under discussion.

Nina Zafoschnig

This article examines the proposed amendment to the Third Gas Directive, which extends the applicability of the core principles of EU energy legislation to import pipelines from third countries within EU territory. The article describes the potential impacts of this amendment, in particular regarding the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, and why this amendment can be considered a “Lex Nord Stream 2”. Furthermore, the article gives an overview of the applicable primary and secondary legislation and core principles of EU energy law.

Max Steuer

The political discourse on regulation of extreme speech in Central Europe has shifted in favor of militant democracy, an approach which supports enhanced criminal law restrictions on speech. Developing the conceptual framework of the consequences of militant democracy and applying legal and parliamentary discourse analysis, this article shows whether and how the legal restrictions on extreme speech adopted in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary fulfilled the purpose for which they were adopted. The juxtaposition of justifications for restrictions and their application by judiciaries uncovers how extreme speech became normalized and appeared in more sophisticated forms due to the failure of legal militant democratic measures. Thus, it highlights how without reflecting the contextual specifics in the respective countries, restrictive legal regulation may not achieve the very purpose it was adopted for.