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The Arab Uprising in Egypt: A Three Level Analysis
This book introduces new non-Western perspectives on the Arab Uprisings, to decenter and decolonize International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies. Drawing on over 10 years of fieldwork, ethnography, and empirical research, it is one of the first books to evaluate the position of International Relations theorists towards the study of the Arab Uprisings. It relies on local IR scholarship from the region, which is rarely considered, and includes 250 interviews. It provides a critical account of why democratic revolutions have failed, how counterrevolutions and authoritarianism have fortified, and why revolutions will resurgence once again in this turbulent region.
The Arab Uprising in Egypt: A Three Level Analysis
This book introduces new non-Western perspectives on the Arab Uprisings, to decenter and decolonize International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies. Drawing on over 10 years of fieldwork, ethnography, and empirical research, it is one of the first books to evaluate the position of International Relations theorists towards the study of the Arab Uprisings. It relies on local IR scholarship from the region, which is rarely considered, and includes 250 interviews. It provides a critical account of why democratic revolutions have failed, how counterrevolutions and authoritarianism have fortified, and why revolutions will resurgence once again in this turbulent region.
The long-lasting Ottoman Empire was a theatre of armed conflict and human displacement. Whereas military victories in the early modern period enabled its territorial expansion and internal consolidation, the later centuries were shaped by military defeat and domestic turmoil, setting hundreds of thousands, sometimes even millions of people in motion. Spanning from Europe to Asia, the book reassesses these movements. Rather than adopting a teleological approach to the study of the Ottoman defeat, it connects late Ottoman history to wider dynamics, extending or challenging existing concepts and narratives.
The long-lasting Ottoman Empire was a theatre of armed conflict and human displacement. Whereas military victories in the early modern period enabled its territorial expansion and internal consolidation, the later centuries were shaped by military defeat and domestic turmoil, setting hundreds of thousands, sometimes even millions of people in motion. Spanning from Europe to Asia, the book reassesses these movements. Rather than adopting a teleological approach to the study of the Ottoman defeat, it connects late Ottoman history to wider dynamics, extending or challenging existing concepts and narratives.
Abstract
Population transfers are commonly viewed as part of a large-scale, liberal technocratic effort to formalize displacement. A survey of the concept of demographic engineering permits a more dynamic interpretation of the mechanisms employed to force population movements and in particular the strategies underpinning them. Attempting to conceptualize forced migration in these terms has the potential to yield a more comprehensive understanding of the broader currents and practices in which it was embedded during the interwar period. The Young Turks and more especially the Committee of Union and Progress provide an exemplary case of a top-down exercise in demographic engineering designed to achieve ethnic homogeneity which reconfigured the map of the Balkan peninsula.
Abstract
The 1929 riots in Palestine left hundreds dead. This article insists that these events can only be understood in a broad, global context. Continuing violence in Europe forced the dislocation of hundreds of thousands of Jews and others at the end of World War I, while the new science of eugenics closed off immigration to the US to all but the whitest. Large numbers of Jews leaving Europe found their way to British mandatory Palestine, where their presence threatened to dislocate the local populations. Although economic depression, extensive immigration, and employment discrimination created dramatic hardships on the ground, it was exclusionary nationalism that redefined the targets for massacre.
Abstract
In this article the question of forced and voluntary migration and mobility in changeful times will be discussed from the case study of a woman’s biography and the transnational networks of her family. As the daughter of a Greek mother and a father from Habsburg monarchy, Aspasia, who was born in Athens in 1891, grew up in Ottoman Smyrna. In 1910 she spent a year abroad in Munich and felt in love with Wilhelm Boeck.Back at the Aegean coastshe reported about life in the cosmopolitan port city and its surroundings from 1911 to 1918 in 270 letters to her fiancé in Munich.
Aspasia, called Aspa, opens insights about her experiences of contemporary empires (British, Ottoman, Austrian-Hungary, Russian), religions (Orthodox, Protestant, Catholic, Muslim), kingdoms/nations (Greece, Italy, Germany), and their markings and negotiations in Smyrna’s everyday life. Aspa left home in 1918 via Constantinople, other members of her family and friends were forced to flee in 1922 when Smyrna was burnt down. The Schönwald House in the European quarter was located close to where everything was destroyed by fire. Even though this catastrophe is almost forgotten, the woman’s biography can be seen as writing transnational history by mapping Europe with love.
Abstract
The paper focuses from the methodological point of view on a special category of ego-documents; the autobiographies of economic actors, considered as sources for global Economic History. In order to analyze modernity, the historian has the privilege to explore the evolution of the market within entrepreneurship via the individual itineraries of the many economic actors who wrote an autobiography. So as to valorize the economic role of the autobiographer, this type of sources put some light on the expansion of the global market in space and time.
The autobiographical source under analysis reflects, thus, the progressive integration of the Ottoman Empire to the international capital flaws, mirrored as well to the creation of the multileveled, and often transnational, entrepreneurial networks; in his autobiography (first published postmortem in 1908), the banker Andreas Syngros describes his passage from a local player in Istanbul to an intermediary – and later to a global – actor in contact with international financial centers. However, his posterior activity, which was primarily located in Greece but which included voyages as well to the Western Europe and the Ottoman Empire, evokes the creation of the national market as an essential stage of statecraft.
Abstract
With the outbreak of the Balkan wars, the issue of the Muslim Albanians of Epirus, an ottoman region adjacent to Greece’s northwestern boundaries, became an increasing matter of concern for Athens. The fact that both features (“Muslim” and “Albanian”) were perceived as inconsistent with the Greek nationalism led to outbursts of violence in this mixed settlement area coveted by Greece as well as by the newly created Albanian State (July 1913). The need to control the disputed territories and to impose to the Great Powers their integration in the Greek realm, led it to implement harsh measures such as forced displacements, deportation, compulsory exchanges, violent retaliations, against tens of thousands of people.
This paper explains the political dynamics in Epirus during the dark years of the Balkan and First World Wars, while underscoring the means and tools promoted by the young Albanian State or the occupying powers (France and Italy) to deal with the refugee topic, either for humanitarian or political purposes. While those policies tried to accommodate various parameters, such as integration measures, rebalancing of demographic balances and irredentist incentives in the vicinity of the contested borders, the refugees developed their own strategies, depending on whether they accept to settle and to assimilate in newly States, or choose to move abroad (sometimes even overseas), pursuing ancient migratory economic practices or refusing the new national order, sticking to their former multicultural ottoman identity.
Abstract
Jews lived in Yemen continuously since pre-Islamic period, however, a migration trend that began in late 19th century, led to the gradual diminishing of this community. This paper argues that the Ottoman era in Yemen (1872–1918) contributed and even promoted the course that led to the emigration of almost all the Jews from Yemen and their resettling in Israel (1949–1951). Social disruptions during the Ottoman era, such as political unrest, warfare, environmental disasters and economic distress were instrumental push factors for Jewish emigration. This trend was first directed to Aden and East Africa and then to Palestine. The above disruptions fused with pull factors that transformed Palestine into a favorable destination. Among them, intense religious attachment to the Holy Land, its accessibility since becoming one political entity with Yemen, political liberties of equal civil rights enforced by the ottomans that were unheard of in Yemen, and the impact of the Yemeni Jewish immigrants who settled there and created migrant networks that provided vital social and economic resources for the newcomers. This article’s analysis emphasizes that immigration to Palestine was independent of the Zionist Movement, which never had any representation in Yemen, and whose secular national ideology hardly appealed to its Jews.