Although international norms on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P ), norms stemming from United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the agenda of Women, Peace and Security (wps) have shifted the narrative from a state-centric to a human-centric approach to security, they have failed to intersect in the most difficult contexts. This paper examines the intersections between Pillar iii of R2P, Resolution 1325 and the agenda of wps with a focus on protection in Gaza. Within the Gaza context, all authorities can be seen as failing in their responsibility to protect, however, no steps have been taken toward operationalisation of protection under R2P. Examining protection through a gendered lens provides a critical mirror of strategies of protection as well as a roadmap towards improvement. The article argues that R2P in combination with the agenda of wps provides a potential tool for constructing a consensus prioritising protection of civilians in the most difficult contexts.
Mohammad Zahidul Islam Khan
What instruments and mechanisms are available to harness the ‘political will’ to pursue justice for the allegations of ‘atrocity crime’ in Rakhine, Myanmar? Analysing country’s ratification trend, declarations upon ratification on relevant global instruments, and interactions with the un on human rights issues, this paper reveals the ‘mind’ of Myanmar and its obligations. Exploring the mechanism of four International Crime Tribunals (icts), it outlines the pathways to pursue justice. Revealing the inadequacies of current actions by key state actors resulting in invidious outcomes that privilege impunity for atrocity crimes, the paper suggests ways to harness the political will to pursue justice. This paper contends that the establishment of an ict for the trial of atrocity crimes in Rakhine (ictm-R) would be best facilitated by: a consensus mandate to prosecute individuals and not the state; precisely defined jurisdiction; and provisions to integrate the host nation’s apparatus, buttressed by the advocacy of the right groups and media.
Hamzah S. Aldoghmi
Recently, there has been increasing recognition that the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P) and refugee protection are inextricably linked and conceptually connected. The question remains, however, whether the link between the two protection frameworks can provide a basis for the protection of prima facie refugees fleeing mass atrocity crimes. This article identifies that prima facie refugees have the right to protection irrespective of where they arrive. It finds that the prima facie provision is one that exists under international refugee law and is highly relevant to the R2P principle. R2P facilitates a framework of prima facie protection, but it must include the political and legal norms of R2P and international refugee law. The article argues that expanding the idea of R2P and refugee protection as an interlinked agenda offers a protection-oriented framework to address the protection needs of prima facie refugees fleeing mass atrocity crimes.
A Practice of Indirect Discrimination in Decentralised Indonesia
E.D. Kusumawati, A.G. Hallo de Wolf and M.M.T.A. Brus
While the decentralised system adhered to by Indonesia has allowed the central government to delegate its affairs to local governments and has brought benefits for democracy, several issues are open for improvement. One of the areas allocated to local governments is housing and settlements. There are indications that in some cases the local governments fail to provide access to public housing for outsiders, who are also vulnerable to eviction and resettlement. This article discusses legal regulations and examples of housing policy at the national level. Moreover, it assesses general practices of four Indonesian local governments: Jakarta, Surabaya, Jogjakarta and Surakarta, concerning access to public housing for outsiders. The article investigates whether the four Indonesian local governments unintentionally facilitate indirect discrimination or legally limit the right to housing for the purpose of promoting the general welfare. The analysis is based on the prohibition of indirect discrimination related to the right to housing in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (icescr), General Comments and Concluding Observations.
When studying accountability for human rights violations in Cambodia, it is crucial to understand the role human rights non-governmental organisations (ngos) can play in holding duty-bearers accountable. This article consists of two parts. The first traces how some prominent Cambodian ngos use the language of human rights and which issues they prioritise. The analysis shows that issues related to civil and political rights dominate their discourse, while there is remarkably little attention to issues relating to economic, social and cultural rights. This prioritisation is not rooted in popular priorities, nor can it be adequately explained by referring to mainstream theories of donor influence or professionalised elites. To better understand where these priorities come from, the second part of the article examines the Cambodian transitional justice process. This analysis shows a significant overlap between the priorities of the selected ngos and those of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (eccc). It is therefore argued that transitional justice mechanisms, like the eccc, may have an agenda-setting power far beyond what is commonly assumed. In this specific case, this influence raises questions about accountability for past and on-going violations of economic, social and cultural rights.
In Taiwan, there were 530,512 migrant spouses in 2017 and, among them, 337,838 (about 63.7 per cent) came from China. However, Chinese spouses have to spend two years more than other foreign spouses to receive residency. Due to the political complexities between China and Taiwan, this differentiated treatment is a controversial issue. Nevertheless, some advocates have urged legislators to propose amendments, whereas others support raising the issue in the Constitutional Court.
This article contends that the period it takes for Chinese and other foreign spouses to receive residency should be equal. Furthermore, the article suggests that it is more suitable for the legislative branch to use its plenary power in dealing with the political issues than the judicial branch, similar to how the United States (us) resolved disputes after the enactment of the Chinese-Exclusion Act 130 years ago.
This article begins with the political and legal background to the differentiated treatment issue in Taiwan. The second part begins with the bills in Congress to eliminate the difference and outlines the interpretation of the Constitutional Court in Taiwan regarding the Chinese issues. The third part discusses the similar discriminatory treatment of the Chinese in the us after the Chinese-Exclusive Act in 1882 and how the Supreme Court dealt with those disputes. Finally, considering international treaties and the sensitivity of the political issues, this article suggests, similar to the us approach, introduction of the doctrine of plenary congressional power and the political question doctrine to resolve the disputes.
Dharmendra Kumar Singh
This article accentuates the concept of the right to development (rtd) and focuses on the various facets of rtd as developed by the Supreme Court of India in its multiple pronouncements since the advent of the last decade of the 20th century. The apex court, through a conjoint reading of various aspects provided in the Constitution’s Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles and Fundamental Duties with the Declaration on rtd has interpreted various cases that have opened new horizons of curative developmental jurisprudence in India. The main aim of this study is to capture the various trends and directions of discourse on rtd and explore the constitutional space for rtd in India. This article also evaluates the impact that Declaration of rtd has had on the Supreme Court of India and to what extent has the Supreme Court of India galvanised rtd to provide remedies to millions of Indians. The article emphasises the holistic view taken by the Supreme Court in matters of private rights versus the developmental rights of millions. Another significant aspect of rtd that has been emphasised in this article is the conflict between human rights of the marginalised group with the burgeoning rtd. The discourse on economic growth and rtd within the constitutional space will remain in the heart of politicians, social scientists and the populace in the coming years.
Raphael Lorenzo A. Pangalangan, Gemmo Bautista Fernandez and Ruby Rosselle L. Tugade
The Philippines resoundingly cried ‘never again’ to the horrors of the Marcos dictatorship through the People Power revolution of 1986. Thirty years later, the Filipino people have come to realise that success is indeed fleeting. On 18 November 2016, the remains of Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos were buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani—the Heroes’ Cemetery. While the Philippine Supreme Court insists that the hero’s burial conferred to the author of the nation’s darkest chapter is a political question, from established doctrines here and abroad, the authors seek to derive the political answer. This article will look at the legitimacy of memory laws within the Philippine Constitutional framework. Finding guidance from the Auschiwtz lie case of the German Constitutional Court, the article seeks to combat historical revisionism and prohibit the Marcosian lie. Our research begins by looking at the resurgence of authoritarianism as seen through the populist presidency of Rodrigo Roa Duterte. We will then proceed to address the threshold issue of state-sanctioned narratives. Recognising that the duty to establish the truth involves the power to determine the narrative, the authors will reconcile the conflicting demands of the freedom of thought and the right to the truth. We will then proceed by utilising the fact-opinion distinction to demonstrate how the Marcosian lie may be the valid subject of regulation. The last phase of the research looks into the approaches adopted by the United Nations (un) Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights in dealing with negationism and historical revisionism.