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Abstract

Secondo le testimonianze disponibili (soprattutto epistolari), il rapporto fra l’umanista camaldolese Ambrogio Traversari (1386–1439) e Cosimo de’ Medici (1389–1464) fu caratterizzato da una dinamica di tipo clientelare ed ebbe modo di manifestarsi sotto vari aspetti: da quello culturale a quello economico, da quello sociale a quello politico. Cosimo, infatti, attraverso le sue ingenti risorse e la sua influenza politica, sostenne Ambrogio tanto nella sua attività culturale di umanista, quanto nella sua azione di generale e riformatore dell’ordine camaldolese e di uomo di Chiesa. Per parte sua, anche Ambrogio si adoperò a favore del Medici quando fu necessario, ad esempio, durante la prigionia e l’esilio di Cosimo. Un’eccezionale testimonianza del rapporto fra i due è costituita, infine, dal ms. Laurenziano Strozzi 102, contenente la silloge epistolare traversariana realizzata dal monaco Michele su incarico e con l’aiuto di Cosimo qualche anno dopo la morte di Traversari. Infatti, l’operazione culturale alle spalle di tale silloge sembra finalizzata a ribadire da parte di Cosimo l’appartenenza della figura dell’umanista e riformatore Traversari al milieu mediceo.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis

Abstract

This article introduces and discusses the ideological program of a motif identified by the author in humanistic mournful poetry. The motif was intended to commemorate the deceased eminent poet and referred to the epic tradition of introducing heroes into a special place in the Elysian Fields, hence the proposed name for it is amicitia elysea. The article focuses on what is presumed to be the first example of the motif, i.e., Carlo Marsuppini’s epicedium for Leonardo Bruni. The description of the Elysium inhabited by successive generations of scholars and poets here turns into a praise of Florence, which under the Medici rule resembled Paradise. First, the stages in the development of both the idea itself and the poetic form it took are discussed, starting from Greek literature through Roman and Medieval vernacular (Dante) to the form it assumed in the Elegia de morte Leonardi Aretini. This form of the motif was soon developed by the followers. Then, the exploitation of the amicitia elysea motif for political purposes is addressed. It is argued that the motif served to consolidate the power of the Medici and the position of the humanists as a professional group with a specific intellectual formation based on Classical education.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis

Abstract

La nozione di ‘barocco’ nella produzione neolatina ha dato luogo a un vivace dibattito teorico fin dagli anni Settanta, ma è tuttora scarsamente indagata in sede testuale. Si propone qui un breve sondaggio del ‘barocco’ neolatino su base linguistica. Il caso di studio è fornito da tre descrizioni neolatine dell’arsenale di Venezia: il confronto tra le due versioni seicentesche di Ottavio Ferrari e di Francisco Macedo permette di individuare strategie diverse in seno alla medesima corrente stilistica; il raffronto con la descrizione settecentesca di Emmanuel de Azevedo dà la misura dello scarto verificatosi nel Settecento con il ritorno in auge dei modelli tardorepubblicani e augustei.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis

Abstract

Maffeo Vegio is well-known for writing a thirteenth book of the Aeneid, yet, the rest of his substantial literary production has received little to no scholarly attention. This paper examines Vegio’s earliest known poems – the epigram Orator Ciceronis and the hexameter poems Pompeiana and De hirundine – in order to explore the techniques and literary devices used by a neophyte poet to promote himself among the community of Neo-Latin scholars and poets of the early Quattrocento. An analysis of these poems, together with a study of the extra-textual circumstances surrounding their composition, reveals that the young Vegio was aware of contemporary fashions and preoccupations among Italian humanists and – employing certain rhetorical figures and carefully choosing his sources and topics – he sought to identify himself with this group of scholars and poets. This study will shed light on the process by which a young author could define his own role within a certain intellectual tradition, in this case Renaissance humanism. Additionally, my paper will draw attention to little-known works, one of them, De hirundine, published here for the first time, that provide a new insight into Vegio’s early years, a relevant, yet understudied, figure of Quattrocento Neo-Latin literature.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis
Author:

Abstract

The lyric poetry of the Spanish humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) has been called “the culmination of Neo-Latin poetry in Spain”; however, there is a dearth of scholarship on his collections of original lyric poetry, Humanae salutis monumenta (1571) and Hymni et secula (1593). In this study, I aim to situate these works in the context of early modern European ‘biblical poetry’ and Spanish Christian Horatianism. I explain that Arias Montano’s biblical poetry is exceptional since inquisitorial censorship in Spain had stifled vernacular poetry on biblical themes, a prohibition he overcame by writing in Latin. I go on to show how, while Arias Montano is part of the European trend of poetic versions of what were considered the ‘poetic’ biblical books, in his original poetry he departs from these trends. Rather, his original lyric constitutes an innovation in the field of versified outlines of the Bible. I argue that this was possible due, among other factors, to the Renaissance reception of Horace. Finally, I also demonstrate how his biblical poetry is markedly different from vernacular Christian Horatianism in Spain with its preference for moral-philosophical themes.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis
Author:

Abstract

This paper is conceived as an introduction to the special session focusing on the BSMRAe series and aims at presenting its history. The series was launched in 1930 by the Hungarian classical philologist László Juhász, thus it can be counted among the earliest Neo-Latin series. Juhász’ concept was to establish a publication of Central European scope. From the beginning he had edited works of Hungary-related authors (for ex. the Italian Galeotto Marzio and Antonio Bonfini) and of other Central-European writers (for ex. Conrad Celtis). Up to the present 52 volumes (from over 30 authors) have been published in the series. The profile of the selection also illustrates the characteristics of early modern Neo-Latin literature and humanism in Hungary. Another remarkable initiative by Juhász was that in 1934 he founded the Academia Humanistica, modelled on the academies of the humanists, which can be compared to the IANLS as well.

My paper will also cover the later history of the series and explore the circumstances of the editorial works, the rich variety of authors and the current challenges in the context of the institutionalisation of Neo-Latin studies in Hungary. Finally I will highlight some of the most important volumes.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis

Abstract

This paper presents Jesuit drama’s promotion of the Tridentine model of sanctity known as the “aristocratic hermit”, taking the example of Joannes Baptista Dornsperger’s unpublished play Sanctus Franciscus Xaverius Indiae et Iaponiae Apostolus (staged in Lucerne in 1677). Performing plays was an important part of spiritual education in Jesuit schools. These performances were inflected by Jesuits’ experiences on missions. This paper examines the appearance of Japanese topics in these dramatic performances, particularly the young Japanese prince portrayed in Sanctus Franciscus Xaverius Indiae et Iaponiae Apostolus as a devout neophyte., along with the figures of two other European adolescents, Stanislaus Kostka and Luigi Gonzaga. The paper argues that Kostka, Gonzaga, and the Japanese prince from the play were all intended to function as role models for college students who were also young and often of aristocratic origin.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis
Author:

Abstract

Der größte je gedruckte Panegyricus scheint das Festbuch zu sein, das die böhmischen Jesuiten Kaiser Karl VI. 1723 zu seiner Krönung zum König von Böhmen schenkten. Die 13 mit poetischen und prosaischen Texten sowie Abbildungen analog strukturierten Kapitel des Werkes wurden von den 13 böhmischen Jesuitencollegien produziert. Sie enden jeweils mit sogenannten Epiphonemata cabalistica, lateinischen Distichen, unter deren Wörtern jeweils ein Zahlenwert steht. Addiert ergeben die Zahlenwerte jeweils 1723, das Jahr der Krönung Kaiser Karls zum böhmischen König. Eine Erklärung, wie die betreffenden Zahlenwerte der Wörter erreicht werden, wird in dem Buch nicht gegeben. In der Kabbalistik wird die Ersetzung von Buchstaben bzw. Wörtern durch Zahlenwerte Gematrie genannt. Die Kabbala-Forschung hat sich vor allem mit hebräischen Texten und der Rezeption der hebräischen Kabbala in christlichen Texten der Frühen Neuzeit beschäftigt, aber kaum mit dieser Variante in profanen lateinischen Versen, deren Zahlenwerte immer eine bestimmte wichtige Jahreszahl ergeben. Belege für sie wurden bis jetzt von 1664–1731 gefunden. Im Beitrag wird ihr Zustandekommen, ihre Eigenart, ihre Verwendungsweise, ihre Verbreitung und ihre Reputation aufgrund der bisher bekannt gewordenen Belege behandelt.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis
Author:

Abstract

Recent studies on Fascist Latinity have drawn attention to the Latin translations of several of Mussolini’s speeches, produced mostly by Italian philologists such as Nicola Festa. However, the peculiar case of Hans Lis, a teacher from Silesia, is yet to be examined. Besides his translations of at least three of Mussolini’s speeches, one particular Latin version of a public address merits closer attention. When Mussolini visited Germany in late September 1937, both he and Hitler spoke to a large crowd on the Maifeld in Berlin; Lis translated both speeches into Latin. While the use of Latin was consistent with the Fascist ideal of romanità, National Socialism, of course, lacked any such affinity to the Romans’ language. Therefore, in Germany, where Lis’ version of Hitler’s address was published in the journal Societas Latina, Latinizing the dictator’s speech had by no means the same ideological connotations as in Italy. Adopting a comparative perspective with translation practices in Fascist Italy, this case study examines the specific intentions and functions of Lis’ translation within the German context. Thereby, it offers insights into the production of Latin texts under National Socialist rule and the reception of Fascist Latinity abroad.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis

Abstract

La critique a souvent analysé la manière dont les commentateurs débutent leur discours ainsi que les éléments programmatiques inclus dans leurs premières notes. Mais comment un exégète termine-t-il son travail, dans quelle mesure lui apporte-t-il une forme de clôture au sein de ses dernières notes ? Le présent article aborde à propos du commentaire de Caspar von Barth sur Stace (Zwickau, 1664-1665) cette question plus rarement étudiée. En prêtant attention à la complexité – éclairée par des documents d’archive – des liens qui unissent les diverses composantes de cet ouvrage, il se penche sur la relation que les stratégies de clôture mises en œuvre par Barth entretiennent avec le contenu des parties finales de la Thébaïde, de l’Achilléide et des Silves, et il s’intéresse en outre au fait que Barth, pour conclure son commentaire sur Stace, s’appuie également sur sa propre production poétique.

In: Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis