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Abstract

This article critically examines the pluralistic legal environment of Afghanistan, security sector reform processes engaged in by the international community, and the dismissal of the practice of bacha bazi as a cultural issue, which combined to allow the sexual abuse and exploitation of young boys to continue with impunity. The article calls for the United Nations and the international community to show strong, ethical, and transparent leadership on child protection within future mission mandates as a practical implementation of the secondary duty under the responsibility to protect (R2P).

In: Global Responsibility to Protect
Author: Maria Tanyag

Abstract

When and why do state responses to crises such as the covid-19 pandemic embody hypermasculinity? How does state hypermasculinity contribute to mortality during a pandemic? This article examines state hypermasculinity as a main atrocity risk factor and as a root cause of preventable deaths arising from failures in pandemic response. It focuses on the case of the Philippines under the leadership of President Rodrigo Duterte to build on feminist scholarship examining gender, crises, and the rise of ‘strongman’ leaders globally. It argues that a state’s predisposition for violence and atrocity crimes renders disease outbreaks more deadly. Significant loss of life and livelihoods during the pandemic are logical outcomes of state structures and responses that combine militarised security, paternalism, and domination of feminised ‘others’. Crucially, the implications of state hypermasculinity extend beyond pandemics as it is clearly emerging as a vector for compounded human insecurities at a time of multiple and overlapping crises.

Open Access
In: Global Responsibility to Protect
Author: Brendan Howe

Abstract

Many states in the East Asian region (including Northeast and Southeast subregions) are moving away from traditional state-centric governance notions towards accepting a localised variant of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ that allows for criticism of domestic policies and limited diplomatic pressure in the event of humanitarian crises. There has been acceptance of the cosmopolitan governance principles of human security and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Despite convergence on the R2P however, East Asian states maintain a pluralistic understanding of what it implies and its relationship with human security. Furthermore, refugees form one of the most vulnerable groups in the region precisely because of an ongoing resistance in recognising responsibility for their protection. This paper addresses the performance of different agencies of governance (at the national and international level) in fulfilling their R2P obligations towards North Korean refugees and the Rohingya, the two most prominent (and controversial) regional refugee groups.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect

Abstract

The Middle East and North Africa region is diverse and large, and it is therefore difficult to make broad arguments and generalizations on the impact of the Arab Spring on human rights protection. In this context, Egypt and Tunisia are important case studies for the assessment of constitutional transitions and human rights protection in a post-Arab Spring context. After the 2011 uprisings and the fall of the ruling authoritarian regimes, activists, scholars, and civil society organizations raised hopes about improvements in the protection of human rights. However, many forces (security services, the military, religious actors) worked against the hopes of the Revolution. The counter-reaction did not happen only because of national political struggles. Institutional factors also played against structural improvements in human rights promotion and protection. Changes in human rights practices need stable institutional frameworks which facilitate the improvement of human rights practices and constitutional transitions. Tommaso Virgili, with his contribution, focuses on the protection of sexual minorities and freethinkers.

Open Access
In: The Italian Review of International and Comparative Law

Abstract

This short article introduces the Special Issue on Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect. The purpose of this special issue is to prompt a conversation across historical and contemporary approaches, with a global perspective, to the question of intervention. It considers how the past informs the present and reflects on multiple ‘futures’ of intervention in the context of R2P.

Free access
In: Global Responsibility to Protect
In: Global Responsibility to Protect
In: European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online

Abstract

While the issue of the Szekler autonomy has attracted considerable tabloid interest in the past two decades, it is rarely addressed in more systematic, scholarly accounts available for a wider international audience. The political project of achieving some form of autonomy has been on the agenda of several political actors speaking in the name of Romania’s sizeable Hungarian minority after 1989 and constitutes the object of heated debate between those actors and authorities of the Romanian state. In 2020 this debate recorded a peak which will seemingly require a new approach on behalf of protagonists, if the project is meant to be kept alive. This paper aims to fill some of the above-mentioned scholarly gap by providing an account of the parliamentary reception of the draft autonomy conceptions submitted by ethnic Hungarian politicians to Romania’s parliament in the three decades that passed since the regime change. Based on a content analysis of documents produced during the legislative process, we identify the most important arguments, as well as a number of procedural tricks deployed by Romanian politicians and political parties against the autonomy initiatives. We also emphasize the differences between the reception and trajectories of the bills, which is clearly related to the authorship and political backing of the various autonomy drafts. This comparative analysis also allows the formulation of a number of conclusions concerning the prospects of the Hungarian autonomy movement.

In: European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online

Abstract

The European Commission, following the adoption of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, has released the Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021–2027 (hereinafter “The Action Plan”). The Action Plan outlines recommendations that aim to foster integrated and cohesive societies. However, this article argues that the understanding of integration advanced by the Action Plan has the potential to be counterproductive. Utilizing the expertise of minority rights bodies in the field of diversity management, this article scrutinizes the Action Plan’s approach, highlighting that it suffers from several distinct flaws. Specifically, the Action Plan is underpinned by a narrative that securitizes both Islam and migration; conflates integration with assimilation; and adopts a thin understanding of integration and intercultural dialogue. Moving forward, the EU should take heed of the work of minority rights bodies to develop a comprehensive integration strategy.

In: European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online