Debates on the United Nations (UN) often refers to its legitimacy – its right to rule and how it is perceived. The UN and its organs, including the UN Security Council and General Assembly have been considered unrepresentative, not inclusive, and lacking democratic accountability due to the specific institutional settings and normative ideas. Different proposals have been introduced to respond to these acknowledged deficits, including the establishment of a parliamentary assembly within the United Nations following the example of the European Parliament. This article will concentrate on examining the already existing framework of having a parliamentary dimension within an intergovernmental organization, namely the UN, by recognizing the role of parliaments and parliamentarians through the UN’s cooperation with Inter-Parliamentary Union (ipu) to provide more inclusiveness to global governance. The article will contribute to the discussions of how recognizing the role of parliaments and parliamentarians could not only strengthen multilateralism but also provide for a more legitimate UN. The article covers not only the institutionalization of the cooperation between the ipu and UN but also the views of the UN member states towards parliamentary dimension in multilateral international cooperation. The article contributes to the ongoing discussions of bridging the gap between executive and legislative in international affairs and the role played by parliaments and parliamentarians in terms of supporting multilateralism.
A constructive vote of no-confidence is more restrictive than a regular vote of no-confidence as it limits the ability of the legislative branch to challenge the government. Belgium and Israel are the only two countries to adopt the constructive vote of no-confidence while being established democracies. This paper focuses on these two highly interesting cases and asks two questions: 1) What were the circumstances and intentions that brought about the adoption of the cvnc in Belgium and in Israel? 2) What were the implications of the adoption of the cvnc on the Belgian and the Israeli political systems? The findings suggest that both Belgium and Israel adopted the cvnc out of a desire to stabilize their governments; however only Belgium has experienced a clear improvement in government stability after its adoption. In Israel the findings are mixed, depending on the measurement used to define government turnover.
Disruptive technologies, particularly Artificial Intelligence (ai), currently dominate the debate on the future of societal organisations and structures and this trend has intensified since the emergence of ChatGPT in late 2022. Naturally, such topics are related to the opportunities and challenges that arise when utilising ai-based approaches and cannot be omitted from the discussion about the evolution of parliamentary institutions. This report describes the content and conclusions of a two-day international workshop on artificial intelligence in parliaments that took place from 3–4 July 2023 in Friedrichshafen, Germany.
Drawing on empirical data from document analysis, this paper will carry out a critical analysis of the effectiveness of the oversight and accountability system of the legislative sector of South Africa in detecting early warning signs prior to financial and governance collapse, by examining three provincial government departments. The results reveal that several key early warning signs preceded governance and financial collapse at the three provincial education departments but that the provincial departments ignored signals of repetitive financial irregularities flagged up by the Auditor General of South Africa. The article argues that there is a lack of political will to effectively respond to early warning signs of looming crises in provincial government departments in South Africa for the purpose of preventing or mitigating their negative impact.
Are parliamentarians involved in normative power diffusion? This case study of Japanese parliamentarians’ international activities shows how they engage in international norm diffusion at interparliamentary meetings in a way that multiplies the normative power efforts of Japan’s government. While parliamentarians are neither official foreign policy actors nor diplomats, they actively promote topics that support Japan’s normative power interests and employ mechanisms identified for normative power diffusion. Thus, parliamentarians become multipliers of Japan’s normative power efforts and have the ability to reach legislators in Japan’s key partner countries. This paper argues that, when abroad, Japanese legislators adopt the identity of an international representative of Japan, who supports promoting Japan’s interests in various areas, such as climate change, overseas agricultural investments, or regional financial stability.
The Legal, Legislative, and Research Services (rlw) of the Austrian Parliamentary Administration organised the first Day of Parliamentary Research on 26 June in the newly renovated Austrian Parliament building in Vienna. The conference, which was highly interdisciplinary and placed a strong focus on knowledge related to parliaments and policy-making, marked the start of a new initiative by the Parliamentary Administration to promote an ongoing dialogue between academia and politics. This conference report provides an overview of the keynote speeches, panels and panel discussions that took place, and identifies recurring themes and issues that were discussed.