Africa is affected by climate change in multiple ways. Like other continents, its coastline is in danger of being flooded, and its islands are in danger of being inundated. Many people are forced by climate change to migrate, and this increases the flows of refugees moving both north towards the Mediterranean and south towards the Cape, seeking a viable homeland. It is in the interest of African countries to develop in ways that are climate-friendly. More electricity needs to be generated to enhance people’s quality of life, but this should be generated in environmentally friendly ways. Large schemes of tree-planting are also needed, to restore the forests of areas where they have been lost in civil conflicts (as in central and northern Ethiopia) and at the same time to sequestrate some of the carbon dioxide of the atmosphere. As well as mitigation, collaborative efforts are needed in the field of adaptation, so as to limit the impacts of climate change. Developing countries should assist such measures, but they should be adopted whether or not such assistance materialises.
During the 2015 general election campaigns in Tanzania, a controversy arose between the ruling party and the opposition coalition, concerning the proposed constitution draft and the position of Zanzibar within the Union. Beyond this controversy, there have existed the impacts of Islamic revivalism on the one hand, and a fear for the perpetuation of Islam in Tanzania on the other – issues which have played a significant role in the country since Independence. In this paper, we focus in particular upon popular Muslim preachers, such as Ponda Issa Ponda, who complain that the National Muslim Council of Tanzania [BAKWATA] is just an extension of the mainstream government – an organisation which is unsympathetic to Muslims’ interests, which violates Muslims’ rights, and which functions contrary to its own purpose. This complaint draws on long-term memory, reaching back even further than the 1968 banning of the East African Muslims Welfare Society [EAMWS]. Two interesting questions are addressed here concerning a central state’s involvement in religious affairs under multi-party rule: How has the Tanzanian government managed religious diversity? And how should its management style be evaluated, given the perspective that has developed with the shift in focus from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ in policy and management sciences?
The process through which state sovereignty over natural resources is gained and lost serves as a precondition for other external actors to acquire rights and to appropriate wealth. These external institutions are multinational firms and non-governmental organizations that do not rely on sovereign entities. By building on the concept of graduated sovereignty, the example of Tanzania’s mineral resource demonstrates how ownership rights shift, creating different impacts on the ground. Analysis of historical and contemporary changes in Tanzania’s mineral laws serves as a basis for revealing the ways in which sovereignty is differentiated or graduated within a national territory, given current global relations. Since neither global resource governance nor market conditions are static or predictable, the government of Tanzania responds differently to external forces over time. Tanzania’s most recent national decisions follow the model of neoliberal flexibility and maximisation of profit from natural resources. Consequently, more complex issues of local resource rights have remained unattended over the years of policy and legal reform, resulting in discriminatory treatment and marginalization of different groups in Tanzanian society.
I articulate the mechanisms for the incorporation of Kiswahili names of the New World cereals and tubers in the Afro-asiatic, Khoisan and Nilo-Saharan languages spoken in Tanzania. The penetration of pastoral-terms from non-Bantu societies into Bantu communities is extensively documented. But research on the impact of Kiswahili on non-Bantu languages has not been given prominence except in a few studies. Thus, specific investigation of the names of cereals and tubers into non-Bantu languages is incomplete. With regard to transference of the nomenclature of the farm-related products, I show that the major donor languages in this study include Iraqw and Kiswahili. This result illuminates the fact that agro-pastoral communities (e.g. Iraqw) influence the lexicon of languages spoken by pastoralists (e.g. Datooga) and foraging communities (e.g. Hadza). I show that Kiswahili is the main agent of names of agriculture in non-Bantu communities. Moreover, I highlight that the names of crops are integrated through assignment of gender-number markers primarily in Hadza, Iraqw and Maasai. In Datooga, I show that the number suffixes dominate as the strategy to incorporate Kiswahili words in the language.
When studying the Karimojong religion, it is instructive to examine the role of elders (ngikathikou), the centrality of animals in ritual ceremonies, and the pragmatic solutions that the religion provides to social problems. Elders act as intermediaries between the immediately present world and the supernatural. The Karimojong believe in God (akuj) who is believed to reside in the sky, overseeing and responsible for everything that is happening on earth. The hierarchical status of individuals prominent in the society reflects their relative proximity to the sacred and the Divine. Respected elders intercede and communicate with God differently, concerning social matters on behalf of the whole community. Special categories of elders gifted in communication such as prophets (ngikadwarak) attributed with the ‘know how’ of the society, diviners (ngimurok) who foretell the future, dreamers (ngikejurak) who interpret important prophecies and black magicians (ngikapilak). The black magicians are known to do bad things to others, but when they do good to save the community, they are regarded as virtuous and reliable. Not only the sacredness of such persons, but also places (ngakiriketa) where no creatures are killed, objects whose uses are reserved for religious ceremonies, and time periods reserved for such ceremonies, all have a correspondingly paramount importance in the Karimojong religious understanding of reality.
Since place names almost invariably outlive the speakers of a language, they are capable of retaining knowledge in connection with a specific locality. For instance a high percentage of toponyms in Southwest Tanzania with initial morpheme i- reveal this trait. This linguistic element is associated in this study with an old locative marker i-, a debated element in Bantu linguistics. Since previous studies locate the element only around the Great Lakes zone and South Africa, it is inferred from the findings presented here that the distribution of the morpheme may be spread in other Bantu speaking areas as well. This consideration recommends revisiting all the data that reflects the distribution of the morpheme i- and other morphemes, including data from other parts of Bantu speaking regions. In order to affirm the antiquity or the contemporaneity of the roles of this morpheme, these results recommend further morphosyntatic analysis to test the behaviour of the morpheme in specific languages spoken in the study area.