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Its focus lies in the attitudes, stereotypes and prejudices about our own and others' national characters; attitudes which govern our rhetoric, discursive representation, literary activity and - ultimately - international relations at large. To recognize "national characters" as textual (frequently literary) constructs necessitates a textual and historical analysis of their typology, their discursive expression and dissemination, by historians and literary scholars.
The series Studia Imagologica, which will accommodate scholarly monographs and collected volumes in English, French or German provides a forum for this literary-historical specialism.
Before their inclusion in Studia Imagologica volumes and monographs will be subjected to peer-review.
Authors are cordially invited to submit proposals and/or full manuscripts to the publisher at BRILL, Masja Horn.
Abstract
Pacifism is the view that necessarily, the nonconsensual physical harming of pro tanto rights-bearers is all-things-considered morally impermissible. Critics of pacifism frequently point to common moral intuitions about self-defenders and other-defenders as evidence that pacifism is false and that self- and other-defense are often morally justified. I call this the Justification View and defend its rival, the Excuse View. According to the latter, a robust view of moral excuse adequately explains the common moral intuitions invoked against pacifism and is compatible with pacifism. The paper proceeds in five steps. First, I identify ten intuitive data points that require explanation. Second, I introduce the justification/excuse distinction. Third, I demonstrate the Excuse View’s equal explanatory power with respect to the intuitive data. Fourth, I defend the Fair Use Principle: When evaluating the plausibility of rival theories J and E, the use of datum d’s full intuitive force against E and for J is epistemically permissible only if (i) d is better explained by J than E and (ii) no intuitive components of d are equally well-explained by E. Finally, I conclude that the conjunction of pacifism and the Excuse View renders the intuitive defense of the Justification View largely moot, and that this is a substantial victory for pacifism.
Abstract
For nearly a half century, questions of why and how firms navigate the “make-buy” decision have animated fields as varied as industrial relations and economic geography. The idea of “core competencies” became the dominant explanation of corporate decision-making processes, where any activity deemed outside of the central specializations of the firm is a possible candidate for outsourcing. Coupled with the focus on short-term profit taking, corporate leaders have grown increasingly focused on shedding less-profitable activities and shifting supply-chain risk—leading to high levels of lead-firm influence over subcontracting markets and the cost-based competition that permeates them. This paper examines the role of third-party logistics companies (3pl s) in the warehousing sector. It argues that efforts to contain operational costs increasingly are focused on labor and that the ability to access and deploy low-cost labor is among the “core competencies” touted by many 3pl s in the warehousing sector.
This series has merged with German Monitor.
Monographs by specialists in the field are especially sought, but multi-authored edited volumes containing academic articles by slavery scholars will also be considered. Manuscripts should be written in English and be at least 80,000 words in length (including footnotes and bibliography). Manuscripts may also include illustrations, tables, maps, and other visual material.
Authors are cordially invited to submit proposals and/or full manuscripts by email to the publisher Jason Prevost. Please direct all other correspondence to Associate Editor Debbie de Wit.
*A paperback edition of select titles in the series, for individual purchase only, will be released approximately 12 months after publication of the hardcover edition.
Abstract
Unions’ presence and influence in the United States continue to atrophy. One key reason for this decline is the difficulties in certifying via the National Labor Relations Act. Consequently, labor-oriented scholars have developed proposals to overhaul and/or supplement this process. One of the most far-reaching is the ‘Clean Slate’. We contend that, though a welcome advance, ‘Clean Slate’ is a necessary but insufficient law reform to revive unions. Accordingly, we suggest a complementary policy, the union default, to the ‘Clean Slate’. With a union default, ‘Clean Slate’ would produce a much swifter and more dramatic resurgence in union membership and resources, sparking a badly needed virtuous upward spiral.
Abstract
This article analyzes the interactions of artists, Mexico’s Communist Party, or the Partido Comunista Mexicano (pcm), and the Mexican state within the context of Mexico’s vibrant post-revolutionary era. Although during these early years the Party’s official membership numbers remained relatively minimal, this article argues that the extraordinary influence of Mexico’s creative participants on the politics of the period was significant. During the 1920s the pcm derived a great deal of prestige from its association with art and the muralists, including Diego Rivera and David Alfaro Siqueiros, and as a result Mexico’s lively political and artistic scene attracted the attention of writers, photographers, artists, and intellectuals from all over the world. Art and politics intertwined as artists played major roles in political affairs, and politicians appropriated the arts to transmit the “official” national history. Indeed, during these exhilarating years, the artists and the pcm built a powerful coalition, and one whose influence endured long beyond the 1920s.