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Abstract
Rapid advances in technology brought dramatic changes into the labour market, regarding precarious, flexible and informal work. The gig economy has enabled new forms of labour exploitation, social exclusion, intermittent and vulnerable professional trajectories. Not having fully recovered from the Great Recession, the Portuguese society is crossing a Covid-19 global pandemic which has accelerated the digitalisation and platformisation of work fecting not only the value chains, but the labour market dynamics in a heterogenous way. Between 2019 and 2020, 53 in-depth interviews were conducted with precarious workers in Portugal, comprising a focus on 15 life trajectories from digital platform workers. Through their voices, it was concluded that job insecurity is deeply intertwined with the global supply chain management operated by algorithmic control. Most of platform companies threaten established employment relationships, atomising workers who live in the present time without any future aspirations.
Series discontinued
Der Autor des Handbuchs ist einer der anerkannten Experten der Disziplin. Seine konkrete und anschauliche Darstellung der Grundlinien von mehr als 1200 Jahren deutscher Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte wird ein Standardwerk für alle werden, die sich mit der Geschichte von Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Mitteleuropas vertraut machen wollen.
Band 1 behandelt die Zeit vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts; Band 2, Band 3/I und Band 3/II werden 19. bzw. 20. Jahrhundert zum Gegenstand haben. Hennings bekannte »Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte« (UTB, 3. Bde.) war auf die unerläßliche Grundinformation für Studenten der Geschichte und Wirtschaftswissenschaften beschränkt. Das neue Werk ist aus dem vielfach geäußerten Bedürfnis entstanden, den erfolgreichen Studienbüchern ein grundlegend erweitertes wissenschaftliches Handbuch folgen zu lassen, das, auf neuestem Forschungsstand die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte in voller Breite und Tiefe behandelt und den notwendigen wissenschaftlichen Apparat zur Verfügung stellt.
Die Reihe ist mit Band 3/II abgeschlossen.
Contributors are Arvi Haak, Tõnno Jonuks, Kristjan Kaljusaar, Ivar Leimus, Christian Lübke, Madis Maasing, Mihkel Mäesalu, Anti Selart, Vija Stikāne, and Andres Tvauri.
Contributors are Arvi Haak, Tõnno Jonuks, Kristjan Kaljusaar, Ivar Leimus, Christian Lübke, Madis Maasing, Mihkel Mäesalu, Anti Selart, Vija Stikāne, and Andres Tvauri.
Abstract
This paper analyzes the dynamics that led to the failure of the Moroccan protest “February 20” movement. It explains how the failure is due to its internal ideological divergences and external elements. At the internal level, the “February 20” missed an excellent opportunity to constitute itself as a historical bloc as recommended by the Moroccan philosopher Mohamed Abed Al-Jabri. Largely polarized between leftist ideology and the Islamist movement. The internal ideological quarrels of the movement contributed to its subsequent failure. At the external level, faced with the central Moroccan power, the “Makhzen”, leading the political game, as well as the Machiavellianism of Moroccan political actors, the “February 20” movement found itself in the rejected category. He was abandoned by those who were themselves the defenders of his own ideas, before changing sides and approaching the political power and became a blessed category.
This exciting new issue continues to make inroads into understanding the profusion and particularities of protests around the world, past and present. These days, it seems that relatively few countries and their governments are safe from protests. The empirical record appears to confirm this impression. Even autocracies witness their fair share of protest activity. Carnegie’s “Global Protest Tracker,” (
Abstract
On January 25, 2011, a spontaneous mobilization of masses of Egyptian folks congregated in Tahrir Square calling for change in Egypt. ‘Bread, freedom and social justice’ is what Egyptian demonstrators chanted throughout their encampment in the Midan. Shortly after Tahrir Square had turned into a community of protestors congregating and setting up camp day and night in the large plaza, random protestors and performers started devising means of entertainment imbued with political satire with which to engage and incite the crowds. Songs and dances as well as lengthy dramatic monologues, verbatim testimonies, poetry recitations and various styles of storytelling emerged. Those performative acts of protest are similar in nature to renowned Egyptian dramatist Yusuf Idris’s recounting of the Egyptian village al-samir performance tradition, which was also performative and unruly in nature. This interdisciplinary study compares that indigenous dramatic art form, al-samir, with the revolutionary performatives of protest that sprang up extemporaneously in the Midan during the Egyptian revolution in 2011. The paper raises questions about the nature of protest and community formation, democracy, performativity and focuses only on the first 18 days of the January uprising, that specific historical moment only and its transformative effect on theatrical performances, performers and protestors at the time. The paper proposes that the Tahrir performatives of protest were an ephemeral phenomenon that appeared as embodiments and celebrations of political freedom in a specific time and place, and they ended when the call for democracy and the euphoria of the uprising of 2011 gradually faded away.