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Abstract
Zooming in from the grand-scale descriptions of the Mainland Southeast Asian convergence area, this paper focuses on Htanaw, an Austroasiatic language in Myanmar’s Shan State. Close contact with Burmese/Intha, Pa’O, and Shan led to a restructuring of Htanaw, exemplified here by the verb phrase, which exhibits an intriguing mixture of (isolating) Austroasiatic and (morphologically complex) Tibeto-Burman features. The Htanaw VP is internally complex with optional bound morphemes expressing grammatical and semantic categories. Based on original fieldwork data and available published material, this study presents the dynamics of the Htanaw verb phrase patterns and puts them in an areal typological perspective.
Abstract
Two 1st person singular pronouns, #ŋa and #ka, are reconstructed for Proto-Trans-Himalayan. The functions of these roots and the relation between them in the proto-language have not been definitively established. Other work has presented a distinct case for a 1st person plural #ka in PTH. This paper compares the evidence for 1st person singular and plural #ka and argues that they are the same root, which in some languages has shifted from plural to singular function.
摘要
本文關注海南閩語(海口、瓊海、港門)允許表動作發生地點的{在}類PP後置於VP的特殊分佈。文章認為該罕見特點是受以[VP-PP]為固有語序的壯侗語影響的結果,為通過語言接觸從黎語、臨高語借移來的特徵。這種語序改變屬Heine(2008)提出的「不變之變」;各地方言句法限制上的差異則反映受語固有特徵在借移過程中起到的「過濾」作用。
Abstract
This paper is a new analysis of the ‘Rosetta Stone’ for the decipherment of the extinct Pyu language once spoken in what is now Upper Burma. The two pillars collectively known as the Kubyaukgyi (a.k.a. Myazedi) inscription from c. 1112 CE provide two copies of the same text in four languages: Old Burmese, Old Mon, Pali, and Pyu. I present a critical edition of the text based on newly taken photographs using RTI (Reflectance Transformation Imaging) technology. I provide English glosses and translations of all versions of the text found on the better preserved pillar (A) and notes on the phonology of the Pyu text. As online supplementary material I provide readings of the four faces of the less well preserved pillar (B), a glossary of all words in the Pyu text including their equivalents in the other three languages of the inscription, and an apparatus of readings from previous scholarship. Unlike previous Western scholarship on the Kubyaukgyi, this paper incorporates the findings of earlier Japanese studies of the Kubyaukgyi inscription. It also takes into account recent developments in Mon and Pyu language studies.
Abstract
Ever since its birth in the pre-linguistic period, traditional Chinese phonology has contributed essentially to the study, both philological and linguistic, of historical Chinese phonology; nevertheless, a systematic retrospect of this academic custom from the pure perspective of linguistics remains largely blank. Concentrating on classical philological resources, this essay works out a clearly defined set of terminology with little dependence on the phonetic natures of these units, which may serve as an evaluative metric on the phonological reconstruction of Middle Chinese as well as a review of the long-ignored academic tradition of phonological studies in ancient Chinese philology.
Résumé
Cet article est consacré à l’évolution du verbe de perception 听 [tɦjɑŋ215]/[tɦin215] « écouter » en cenchuanais (xiang, sinitique) en Chine. Le développement de 听 « écouter » dans ce dialecte est multidirectionnel, car il évolue non seulement en un verbe causatif employé dans la structure NP 1 (causateur) + 听 [tɦin215] + NP 2 (causataire) + V dénotant une causalité non interventive, mais aussi en un subordonnant concessif signifiant « peu importe que » ou encore en un adverbe « n’importe comment ». Dans cet article, nous étudions surtout ses propriétés syntaxiques et ses particularités sémantiques lorsqu’il fonctionne comme un verbe causatif, et nous essayons d’élucider ses différentes étapes d’évolution en cenchuanais.
Abstract
This article describes and analyzes the personal indexation system of the Manchen dialect of Nyagrong Minyag (locally known as məɲâ or məɲâɕkê), a West Rgyalrongic language spoken in Nyagrong county (Chinese Xīnlóng 新龙), Sichuan province, China. The article shows that Manchen presents regular tonal correspondences with Tangut, but that its indexation system is quite innovative, presenting multiple features that have never been found before in other Rgyalrongic languages.