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Abstract
Despite a growing reliance on quantitative methods in the study of mena politics globally, political scientists from the region have broadly resisted such trends. While mena scholars should not be beholden to methodological trends in other regions, there is a need to provide students with an interest in quantitative methods opportunities to receive such training in Arabic. The Summer School for Quantitative Methods was a virtual five-day program offered by the Arab Political Science Network (apsn) and the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies from May 29 to June 2, 2022. The primary aim of ssqm was to address the gap noted above and introduce political science graduate students from the Arabic-speaking world to quantitative empirical analysis. The program accomplished its immediate goals, and the application process showed a significant demand for training in quantitative methods in the region, yet future projects should take into consideration the considerable challenges we faced.
Studies in Islamic Law and Society accommodates monographs, collections of essays, critical editions of texts with annotated translation, and reference works whose subject-matter lies within the field of classical and modern Islamic law. Both the study of legal texts and legal discourse and the study of the social circumstances in which law has been and is being shaped - the reciprocity of influence of law on society and society on law - are integral to the series, and works representing either type of study or both will be considered for inclusion. Studies in Islamic Law and Society provides a focal point for scholars researching Islamic law both as a medium in its own right and as a phenomenon inviting historical and social analysis.
Abstract
At the beginning of the 2010s, several Arab countries seemed about to follow the model of Turkey, with an electoral victory of Islamist parties in a context of democratization. A decade later, Turkish akp has turned authoritarian, and the Moroccan and Tunisian Islamist parties have lost both access to governmental office and a large part of their electoral appeal. In this context, lessons can be learned from the early failed democratic experience in Algeria (1989–1992), and from the evolution of its Islamist movements since then.
From these four case studies, the contributors of this issue investigate the notions of moderation and inclusion, and their interrelations. Their articles build on the current trends within literature by taking into account the variety of Islamist movements, and their incorporation within different national trajectories. These articles contribute to the academic discussion by bringing new facts and ideas regarding this topic of inclusion-moderation.
Abstract
Iran has hosted a large number of immigrants from its neighbouring countries, especially Afghanistan and Iraq, due to its geopolitical climate in recent decades. Unsurprisingly, a growing number of marriages occurred between Iranian women and these immigrants. Security authorities resisted the naturalisation of children born in such transnational families. All these socio-political phenomena led to the catastrophic situation of statelessness for a large group of children. The Iranian Parliament has dealt with this issue by using a trial-and-error approach for more than two decades. The first step, which was taken by Majlis in 2006, through the Act on the Nationality of the Children Born of Marriages between Iranian Women and Foreign Husbands, failed to achieve its predefined objectives. Therefore, the Parliament took a second step by passing an amendment to this act, which shows the Iranian legislators’ intention for reducing statelessness. This study aims to examine the extent to which the endeavour of the Iranian Parliament has been successful.
Abstract
This article contributes to explaining limitations to the inclusivity of protest movements against sectarianism through a case study of the 2019 Lebanese October Uprising. The study scrutinizes the challenges key organizers in Beirut faced when seeking to address issues of inclusivity concerning residents from two Shiʿite majority communities in and around the city. Engaging social movement theories on intersectionality and political opportunity structures and drawing on data from twenty-two in-depth interviews, it shows that organizers were attentive to stereotyping and exclusive attitudes concerning young men from the two communities. Yet, while expressing a desire to address these, organizers also found themselves caught in a dilemma, fearing that their efforts to promote inclusivity could trigger accusations of sectarian biases and favoritism. These findings provide important inputs to wider scholarly debates concerning the relationship between protests and other forms of anti-sectarian mobilization as well as the costs and desirability of enhancing inclusivity.
Abstract
The theory of academic capitalism (ac) is a prominent attempt to grasp the multifaceted organizational and functional transformations of universities and higher education (he) in contemporary times. However, this has rarely provided an in-depth examination of the meaning of capitalism in the context of he and has largely ignored the Global South. Focusing on the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, this paper begins by examining the political economy of this country’s little-studied he system. It explores its entanglements with the broader Jordanian political economy by focusing on for-profit private universities and the implications of capitalist (foreign) ownership for their functioning and governance. The article draws, in part, on novel interview data gathered by the author in Jordan from 2015–17 to elaborate Jordanian he elite’s understanding of this system. The Jordanian case is juxtaposed with ac to appraise the applicability of the theory to contexts distinct from advanced capitalist economies.
Abstract
Through deploying the 2015 World Bank framework of contextual drivers for social accountability, this article seeks to examine three recent social accountability initiatives (sais) in the agriculture, health, and local development sectors in Egypt to identify the contextual drivers and success factors of sais operating in challenging environments. The article aims to answer the following questions: what roles do recent sais in Egypt play? What are the challenges that sais encounter? And how do such challenges (re)shape the processes and dynamics of sais? The article finds that in challenging environments–where invited spaces are controlled, citizens’ collective action is limited, and commitment by state-officials is not guaranteed–the role of interlocutors becomes key in boosting the effectiveness of sais. It plays the role of a mediator, mobilizer to citizen and state action, and information intermediary, which generates, simplifies, and disseminates information. In this sense, this article draws on the critical missing link in sais through an in-depth analysis of the role of interlocutors in overcoming challenging or constraining circumstances.
Editor:
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law combines practice-relevant analysis of the latest legal trends in more than twenty Arab and Islamic jurisdictions alongside peer-reviewed articles on the laws of the MENA region, the Islamic world as well as Islamic jurisprudence, case notes and book reviews.
As the only global journal that comprehensively and regularly surveys the legal developments in the jurisdictions of the Muslim world, stretching from the Middle East to South and South East Asia, the Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law has become an essential source and point of reference for academics, practitioners and students who work on Islamic and Middle Eastern law.
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law is affiliated with the Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law at SOAS (University of London), benefits from an international and diverse Board of Editors, and is edited by Martin Lau, Professor of Law, SOAS (University of London) and Barrister at Essex Court Chambers in London, and a team of associate and managing editors.
As the only global journal that comprehensively and regularly surveys the legal developments in the jurisdictions of the Muslim world, stretching from the Middle East to South and South East Asia, the Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law has become an essential source and point of reference for academics, practitioners and students who work on Islamic and Middle Eastern law.
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law is affiliated with the Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law at SOAS (University of London), benefits from an international and diverse Board of Editors, and is edited by Martin Lau, Professor of Law, SOAS (University of London) and Barrister at Essex Court Chambers in London, and a team of associate and managing editors.
Editor:
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law combines practice-relevant analysis of the latest legal trends in more than twenty Arab and Islamic jurisdictions alongside peer-reviewed articles on the laws of the MENA region, the Islamic world as well as Islamic jurisprudence, case notes and book reviews.
As the only global journal that comprehensively and regularly surveys the legal developments in the jurisdictions of the Muslim world, stretching from the Middle East to South and South East Asia, the Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law has become an essential source and point of reference for academics, practitioners and students who work on Islamic and Middle Eastern law.
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law is affiliated with the Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law at SOAS (University of London), benefits from an international and diverse Board of Editors, and is edited by Martin Lau, Professor of Law, SOAS (University of London) and Barrister at Essex Court Chambers in London, and a team of associate and managing editors.
As the only global journal that comprehensively and regularly surveys the legal developments in the jurisdictions of the Muslim world, stretching from the Middle East to South and South East Asia, the Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law has become an essential source and point of reference for academics, practitioners and students who work on Islamic and Middle Eastern law.
The Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law is affiliated with the Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law at SOAS (University of London), benefits from an international and diverse Board of Editors, and is edited by Martin Lau, Professor of Law, SOAS (University of London) and Barrister at Essex Court Chambers in London, and a team of associate and managing editors.
Abstract
This study relies on the life story narratives of 48 young members of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers in identifying the different reasons behind their political disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 military coup. Unlike the smt scholarly writings addressing Islamists’ political disengagement within a limited scope of analysis that focuses on members leaving their groups rather than politics, this study presents a multi-layered approach that examines the interplay between youth’s personal experiences, the repressive macro political conditions, and the organizational decay in shaping young Muslim Brothers’ positions towards political activism.
Abstract
This article explores two recent decisions issued by the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) to demonstrate how the Court resolves conflicts involving Islamic and Christian law: (1) a decision to maintain the constitutionality of the wife’s obedience (ṭāʿat al-zawǧa) articles in the Personal Status Law for Christians, and (2) a decision to extend Muslim mothers’ exclusive custodial claims over children until they reach the age of 15. The article argues that the SCC takes upon itself to decide — based on its own internal logic — the normative legal positions for Christians and Muslims. The SCC rulings reinforce a vision of the Egyptian State as the exclusive holder of legal authority (walī al-amr) with the power to determine the meaning of Islamic/Christian legal norms in a court of law. In these judgments, the Egyptian State is personified as an independent jurist (muǧtahid) that can legislate on behalf of Egyptian Muslims and Christians.