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Volume Editor: C.X. George Wei
Considering the important impact of Asian cultures on international relations, we conducted a multifaceted analysis and authentic summary of the Asian experiences and patterns of dealing with foreign relations from an Asian insider’s perspective, aiming to find out where the diverging or converging diplomatic ways of the West and the East came from and what the positive diplomatic values and practices originated from Asian traditions are.
Focusing on China, volume one thoroughly analyses the nature, political culture and mechanism of the tribute system from ancient time to the modern era within and beyond China. Volume two studies the culture and diplomacy of various individual Asian nations except for China, both in general and in particular cases, with an interdisciplinary approach.

考慮到亞洲文化對國際關係之影響的特殊重要性, 我們從一個亞洲局内人的角度, 對亞洲處理對外關係的經歷和模式進行了多方面的分析和真實可信的總結, 以發現在哪裏東西方的外交方式出現了分歧或聚合, 以及什麽是源於亞洲傳統的具有積極意義之外交價值觀. 卷一集中于中國, 徹底分析了朝貢體系的本質, 政治文化及其從古至近代以及在中國境外的延申和演變.
卷二以跨學科的方式, 探討了除中國以外亞洲各國不同的文化和外交, 既有綜合分析, 也有個案研究.
How is it possible to write down the Japanese language exclusively in Chinese characters? And how are we then able to determine the language behind the veil of the Chinese script as Japanese? The history of writing in Japan presents us with a fascinating variety of writing styles ranging from phonography to morphography and all shades in between.
In Japanese Morphography: Deconstructing hentai kanbun, Gordian Schreiber shows that texts traditionally labelled as “hentai kanbun” or “variant Chinese” are, in fact, morphographically written Japanese texts instead and not just the result of an underdeveloped skill in Chinese. The study fosters our understanding of writing system typology beyond phonographic writing.
By examining the life and thought of self-exiled Chinese intellectuals after 1949 by placing them in the context of the global Cold War, Kenneth Kai-chung Yung argues that Chinese intellectuals living in Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas Chinese communities in the 1950s could not escape from the global anti-utopian Cold War currents. Each of them responded to such currents quite differently. Yung also examines different models of nation-building advocated by the émigré intellectuals and argues in his book that these émigré intellectuals inherited directly the multifaceted Chinese liberal tradition that was well developed in the Republican era (1911–1949). Contrary to existing literature that focus mostly on the New Confucians or the liberals, this study highlights that moderate socialists cannot be ignored as an important group of Chinese émigré intellectuals in the first two decades of the Cold War era. This book will inspire readers who are concerned about the prospects for democracy in contemporary China by painting a picture of the Chinese self-exiles’ experiences in the 1950s and 1960s.

Abstract

This Chapter presents the thought of Zhang Junmai in the last twenty years of his life. Compared to Yin and Xu, Zhang’s model of Chinese democracy seems to have been more balanced. While Yin leaned towards Western liberal-democratic values, and Xu insisted on the Confucian foundation of Chinese democracy, Zhang was advocating “the unity of virtue and law” (de yu fa zhi heyi 德與法之合一), hoping to strike a balance between traditional Chinese and modern Western values in his political design.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

The introduction explains the background of this study and its relations to contemporary China. It also sets out the questions to be addressed in this book and summarizes the major findings of the book.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

This chapter focuses on Xu Fuguan’s Confucian model of a democratic China. His model was primarily based upon Confucian values. He particularly put an emphasis on dezhi 德治 (rule of virtue), as opposed to fazhi 法治 (rule of law), in his political design. To him, modern democratic values could be adopted on the basis of the Chinese Confucian tradition. What Xu was promoting was indeed an opposite of the ideals of Yin Haiguang.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

The general conclusion summarizes the entire book and assesses the significance of the three émigrés examined in the book.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

This chapter investigates Yin Haiguang’s liberal-scientific model of a democratic China. He was keen to promote democracy and science—two major ideas of the May Fourth Movement—in the 1950s and saw Chinese tradition as an impediment to China’s modernization. It was only in the 1960s, after the collapse of the democratic movement in Taiwan, that he began to seek spiritual contentment from Confucian values and reevaluate them.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

This chapter analyzes the impact of global Cold War currents on the Chinese émigrés, as the adherents of different schools of thought could hardly avoid encountering this global phenomenon in the 1950s. Their responses were, however, diverse. Many of the liberals yielded to the currents, but others, especially the hardcore moderate socialists, did not.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969

Abstract

This chapter explores how the émigré intellectuals perceived the tasks of national salvation and democratization. Many of the intellectuals who fled the Chinese mainland on the eve of Communist takeover followed the Nationalist government to Taiwan, but others decided to go to the British colony of Hong Kong or overseas. This decision directly shaped their responses to the question of how to prioritize the two tasks, so that they each took different approaches. Taiwan-based intellectuals tended to regard the island as a starting point for any worthwhile anti-Communist activities. Those who lived in Hong Kong or overseas preferred straightforward counteroffensives launched by new military forces independent from Taiwan. However, their plans remained almost impossible.

In: Chinese Émigré Intellectuals and Their Quest for Liberal Values in the Cold War, 1949–1969