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Abstract
Indo-Pacific, connected by water and the strait of Malacca, is home to great civilizations encompassed Africa, Asia and the Archipelagos in between. Nevertheless, Western civilization intervened and strongly influenced the societies when the era of colonialism begun. Hence, the societies are disrupted, and nation-states are created imitating what European colonial powers conveyed, especially one of the indigenous and most prominent civilizations such as Islam. Along with the rise of the Muslim population in the Indo-Pacific, Islam, as one of the remaining civilizations and Muslim society (ummah), has to strive in its native land to keep the rights upheld. This paper will examine the problematical condition that occurred after decolonization in Indo-Pacific or Global South, which ummah faced in the nation-state model and being a minority at the same time. The qualitative design will be utilized as the methodology with critical interpretative method which will be written inductively. It intends to answer the rise of ummah that contributes to globalizing International Relations (ir) by providing an alternative international system in the post-colonial era that was previously shaped by Euro-American centrism. The paper will also emphasize the history of Asia as a significant momentum in ir discipline, and as an attempt to criticize the Euro-American centric model during the colonialism era in Global South societies by exhibiting examples in ummah condition who struggle within its nation-state in post-colonial era due to the absence of mutual understanding and the perpetuation of ethnopolitical conflict as the legacy of Western colonialism and imperialism.
Abstract
This article revisits the political thought of Filipino statesman Claro M. Recto (1890–1960), with a focus on the idea of nationalism. Upon his return to Congress in 1952, Recto advocated for Filipino nationalism in response to the so-called “special relationship” between the Philippines and the United States in the post-independence period. He claimed that the Philippines, though granted independence in 1946, remained under the disparaging political and economic influence of the United States because of one-sided treaties. In Recto’s mind, this “special relationship” was the main reason for the country’s retrogression in attaining political and economic growth and development. Throughout his post-independence career in Congress, Recto was consistent in his posture of advocating Filipino nationalism. This article uncovers that Recto’s nationalist crusade was anti-imperialist in principle against American neocolonialism thus only protective of the welfare of the Filipinos. This rereading of Recto’s political thought hopes to add more nuance understanding about him, but it also deepens our understanding of the essence of nationalism in the postcolonial period in the Philippines and Southeast Asia.
Abstract
Solidarity is a focal concept in the literature on South-South Cooperation (ssc). This research examines how solidarity is understood by actors involved in ssc. The literature on ssc is divided into two camps. The first camp believes that ssc is firmly grounded in solidarity. Meanwhile, the second camp holds that ssc is motivated by the state’s interest and that solidarity, if it occurs, is merely an epiphenomenon. However, this paper suggests that both camps fail to realize that the concept of solidarity manifests in different ways. Keeping this diversity in mind, a typology of solidarity based on Enlightenment ideas of liberty is utilized to systematically categorize the plurality of the concept. The typology maintains that solidarity can take shape in the form of Hobbesian self-centered solidarity, Kantian reflexive rational solidarity, Humean reflexive emotional solidarity, and Hegelian recognitive solidarity. This study analyses the Second High-Level United Nations Conference on South-South Cooperation (bapa+40) opening speeches and general debate remarks. Types of solidarity are unmasked by examining 38 statements espoused by states, international organisations, and other entities. The findings show that Kantian solidarity is the most prevalent, followed by Hobbesian, Humean, and Hegelian solidarity. Three observations can be inferred in light of these findings. First, the discourse of solidarity in ssc is diverse and multiple. Second, different understandings of solidarity are not evenly distributed amongst statements made by actors of ssc. Some forms of solidarity are more salient. Third, the idea of solidarity is ambivalent. The four types of solidarity articulated are not mutually exclusive. Instead, they can appear simultaneously in actors’ articulation.
Abstract
In this article, I bring together the theory of the civil sphere and the concept of carnivalesque public space to analyze the function of symbols and discourses about the non-Western world in the construction of national identity in Brazil. I argue that the carnivalesque public space contributes to broadening and reinforcing solidarity in the civil sphere by de-nationalizing national identity. The orientalist representations that took place in Salvador’s carnival consolidated the “oriental” imaginary as an important dimension of the incipient national identity building process, as well as highlighted the ambivalences and discontinuities of the mosaic of symbolic references associated to it. This fantastic representation of the East corresponded to a particular expectation of meaning: the aesthetic contours of the national-popular boundaries in Brazil and its sense of belonging. The article analyses how national identities are created through symbolic references that are both within and beyond its own borders.
Abstract
The study delved into media framing of climate change narratives and mitigation efforts towards Africa. The study selected 30 newspaper articles published between June 2021 to December 2021. Content analysis was used to analyze the framing of climate change narratives against a framework of decolonizing media narratives on climate change. It further discussed climate justice and detailed how communities most impacted by climate change are the least contributors to climate change. The study was guided by the following questions: (a) Who are the humans in the “human activities” in the climate change media narratives? (b) What harms are caused by climate change, and how can those who have created the most harm be called to bear the cost of fixing or making significant amendments? (c) How can the media frame climate change mitigation efforts in a fair, just, and equitable approach?
Abstract
This research study examines the trade potential between Indonesia and Namibia, explicitly focusing on product competitiveness mapping and lessons learned from Chile and Uruguay. The analysis explores the competitiveness of export products in each country and identifies areas for improvement. The findings reveal that Indonesia has a higher number of export products with high competitiveness than Namibia. However, both countries face challenges in boosting the overall competitiveness of their export portfolios. The study emphasises the need for diversification and value-added processing to enhance export capabilities and reduce import reliance. Drawing insights from Chile and Uruguay, it highlights the importance of economic diplomacy and bilateral trade agreements in strengthening trade relations. The study concludes with recommendations for policymakers and future researchers to foster economic growth and maximise the trade potential between Indonesia and Namibia.
Abstract
The world is entering a post-universal historical conjuncture marked by a “great divergence” triggered by a paroxysm of crises exacerbated by the Western world’s reluctance to accept its diminishing global role. In a panic response, the West is consolidating itself into a Euro-American Confederal Empire, engaging in a form of universal ideational warfare against emerging civilization-states in an effort to maintain its civilizational hegemony. This has resulted in an ideological engineering contest within the global public sphere pursued through the practice of “preemptive ideocide,” which seeks to perpetuate a missionary universalism that imposes Western political-cultural norms upon the world’s divergent cultural and self-governing modes of existence. This ideational warfare is situated within an emergent Cold War Two. The protagonists of this ideational warfare represent a service class of ideocrats devoted to the preservation of Western global primacy. The article highlights the key themes addressed by members of this service class who act as an elite posse of a global thought police. In conclusion, the article argues that humanity is irreversibly divided into non-convergent but non-conflictual cultural identities and proposes the adoption in the Global South of a cultural polygenesis covenant as an exit strategy from the prevailing dependency on missionary universalism’s ideational framework.
This handbook makes gender studies in the Dutch Caribbean accessible to an international readership. Besides key academic writings, it includes primary historical sources, translations from Papiamento and Dutch, as well as personal memoirs and poetry.
This handbook makes gender studies in the Dutch Caribbean accessible to an international readership. Besides key academic writings, it includes primary historical sources, translations from Papiamento and Dutch, as well as personal memoirs and poetry.
Abstract
The present contribution was originally published in 1990 with the aim of exposing the dominant narrative on Afro-Curaçaoan girls and women as well as challenging prevalent notions of what constitutes a typical Afro-Caribbean family. It contests the emphasis on marriage and discrimination against single mothers, divorced or unmarried women and contrasts it with the unconventional realities of kinship networks. It reflects on the emancipatory processes that ensued in the wake of the uprising of May 1969 in Curaçao and the long struggle to abolish the National Ordinance on Material Civil Servants Law, which legally incapacitated women and did not permit women to be employed after marriage.