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Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is a unique region, with a sharply changing political and ideological orientation from a “left turn” to a “right curve", which means it is difficult to build stable and predictable international relations with the region. At the beginning of the 21st century, we witnessed a sharp increase in interest in LAC from extra-regional powers that, due to historical, cultural and geographical factors, traditionally did not have strong ties with the region.

The 2020s is a time of competitive and systemic rivalry, when the value of each individual partnership, union, or alliance is increasing. In this regard, this wave of interest in LAC is not caused by a desire to expand trade and investment presence, but by the desire of new actors in the Americas to use the region to gain greater global geopolitical influence. This book addresses the question: What role do the extra-regional actors—the US, China, the EU, and Russia—play in the new system of international relations formed in LAC at the beginning of the 21st century? Ultimately, the book opens up a new multilateral perspective on the role and place of LAC in global processes in the context of the interaction and confrontation between the worldviews of the West and the non-West.
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In: Crossroads
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In: Crossroads
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In: Crossroads
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Abstract

The horrific human experimentation Ishii Shirō and his colleagues conducted at Unit 731 is a dark chapter in China’s War of Resistance against Japan. Less well known, however, is the U.S. role in covering up this atrocity with a postwar decision to grant immunity to the perpetrators in exchange for the research data they possessed. Moreover, there exist strong allegations to this day in China that the United States subsequently conducted bacteriological warfare against Chinese and North Korean civilians in the Korean War. This article examines how memories of this “victor’s justice” remain a strong component of Chinese patriotic education today. It argues that China’s “century of humiliation,” which focuses on Chinese victimization at the hands of foreign imperialists, did not end in 1949 with the formation of the People’s Republic of China, but rather the Chinese Communist Party employs it today to portray Chinese victimization at the hands of U.S. imperialism through at least the end of the Korean War in July 1953. Furthermore, this article suggests that understanding Chinese public memory of Unit 731 is extremely relevant to understanding contemporary Sino-American relations because these memories help shape public perception of the United States for ordinary Chinese.

In: Journal of American-East Asian Relations
In: Journal of American-East Asian Relations

Abstract

During the 1990s, American neoconservatives grew concerned over a burgeoning People’s Republic of China (prc) threatening the newly democratic government of Taiwan. They wanted the United States to bolster Taiwan’s standing in the international community, commit to defend the island, end strategic ambiguity, and prevent further entrenchment of the prc into international organizations. Some went as far as advocating for diplomatic recognition of Taiwan and Taiwanese independence. Neoconservatives frequently employed Wilsonian rhetoric to shore up support for Taiwan. Despite this liberal veneer, their foreign policy positions and thinking built on the approach of such groups as the China Lobby and New Right. This article’s analysis of neoconservative viewpoints on U.S. policy toward Taiwan shows how the neoconservatives in the United States evolved from earlier conservative positions, rather than injecting liberalism into gop foreign policy positions on Taiwan and the prc.

In: Journal of American-East Asian Relations
In: Journal of American-East Asian Relations