Browse results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 2,418 items for :

  • Area Studies x
  • Slavic and Eurasian Studies x
  • Search level: All x
Clear All
Editor-in-Chief:
Brill's Companions to the Slavic World (BCSW) is a series of peer-reviewed handbooks and reference works featuring current research on the history, visual, literary and folk culture as well as intellectual thought of the Slavic world from the middle ages to the present. Of special interest to this Series is research on the modern period in Slavic arts and letters. Dealing with persons, literary and artistic movements, schools of thought and creative genres, and written by the leading contemporary scholars in the pertinent fields, the series seeks to publish cutting edge research rooted in the contemporaneous critical discourse, which contributes to the existing scholarship on a given subject. Volumes in the Series are designed to act as essential tools needed to provide a complete introduction to a given topic of Slavic Studies. The production of the series is overseen by an editorial board comprised of specialists in the volumes’ focus areas.

Volumes 1 and 2 in the series were published by Brill, click here.
The Modern Belarusian Studies book series is interdisciplinary as it aims to publish manuscripts that covers history, social, political and legal problems as well as religious studies related to Belarus. We particularly encourage submission of manuscripts that explore new approaches and novel cross-fertilizations between various areas of Belarusian studies. The substantive focus of the series is on Belarusian society, particularly on societal and cultural change. Chronologically the series covers the period from the Early Modern era up to contemporary times. The length of submitted manuscripts should be at least 80,000 words (including footnotes and bibliography). We also encourage to include (where appropriate) illustrations and other visual material. The editors welcome proposals for monographs written for academics and researchers in the field that are based on original scholarly research that makes a notable contribution to the Belarusian Studies. The series editors also welcome proposals of publish edited volumes demonstrating continuity among the contributions and strong thematic consistency.Die Reihe veröffentlicht Studien, die sich mit der europäischen Philosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts kritisch auseinandersetzen und dem Gegenwartsdenken neue Perspektiven eröffnen. Ob durch neuartige Zugänge zu einigen ihrer Hauptströmungen (Phänomenologie, Existenzialismus, Hermeneutik, (Post-)Strukturalismus, kritische Theorie, Pragmatismus, Psychoanalyse, Dekonstruktion) oder durch die Einbeziehung bislang vernachlässigter Untersuchungsfelder, zielt sie darauf ab, den genuinen Formenpluralismus der Philosophie zu verteidigen. The series publishes contributions that critically engage with 20th century European philosophy and open up new perspectives for contemporary thinking. Through the publication of a fresh scholarship on some of its main traditions (phenomenology, existentialism, hermeneutics, (post-)structuralism, critical theory, pragmatism, psychoanalysis, deconstruction), as well as through the exploration of hitherto overlooked objects, it aims at defending philosophy’s inherent pluralism of forms.

Abstract

This article examines the role of the progressive forces in recent revolutions in Kyrgyzstan, and asks why their movements have not led to real political change in this Central Asian country. In Kyrgyzstan, the progressive forces are identified with such groups as young people, the educated middle class, lawyers, and journalists. Their discourses, such as demands for fair elections and the rule of law, have been central to the three revolutions that have taken place in Kyrgyzstan since 2005, as has their concept of Umut, or hope. The central thesis of this article is that, although these forces may have led recent revolutionary movements, they have proved unable to establish political dominance after the completion of revolutionary processes. Instead, after each revolutionary attempt, the rules of “local politics” have been consistently reasserted in Kyrgyzstan. These are rules based on the power of informal social and political networks governed by rules of reciprocity and the pursuit of self-interest. In spite of this recurring outcome, the progressive forces retain their commitment to hope, and it is the prism of hope which this paper uses to make sense of revolution’s failure. In this paper, a contribution to the anthropology of revolution, that idea of hope is deconstructed: this permits a greater focus on how and why the promises of revolution have, so far, been betrayed and unfulfilled in contemporary Kyrgyzstan, where the idea of hope plays a fundamental representational and political role.

In: Central Asian Affairs

Abstract

In this article, we analyze how the operation of the Russian Aerospace forces is presented in the official Russian discourse. The analysis is based on a collected database of statements made by the Russian authorities. Relying on social identity theory, we argue that the Russian operation in Syria became a key element in changing the Russian strategy in the Middle East. In other words, beginning in the mid-2010s, Russian policy in the Middle East moved from social competition to social creativity. Taking the Russian operation in Syria as an example, we assert that the second half of 2017 was a turning point because the military narration of the discourse was replaced at that point with the narration of the unique role of Russia in the regulation of the Syrian conflict. This narration included narratives related to ‘sovereignty’, ‘territorial integrity’, and the creation of alternative platforms to maintain stability.

In: Russian Politics

Abstract

The pension reform implemented in Russia in 2018, primarily associated with raising the retirement age, has become evidence of a ‘miscalculation’ of media controllers. Such a ‘miscalculation’ is explained by the improvidence of the ongoing campaign in promoting pension reform. This is mainly due to the lack of elaboration during the prediction of the risks associated with naming the legislative initiative and the intensity of its representation. As a result, the ‘pension reform’ frame, constructed and subsequently promoted by Russian federal TV channels, caused the non-linearity of the media process, inspiring protest moods in the social environment. The media controllers had to modify their editorial policy strategy. After facing challenges, the ‘Big Trio’ was forced to choose a new frame and decide on a new approach and strategy of representation. This helped them to bring stability to the social environment, decrease the risk of reputational damage to the ruling class, and create a foundation to introduce more political initiatives successfully.

In: Russian Politics
Author:

Abstract

The article studies the cleavage structures of Russian regions based on the results of elections to regional assemblies in 2021 and analyzes changes compared to previous elections. Factor analysis reveals factors of territorial differences in party voting (electoral cleavages), issue dimensions and sub-dimensions of political space, as well as factors of demographic and socio-economic inter-territorial differentiation. Correlation analysis and multiple regression (OLS) help determine whether electoral cleavages have a political interpretation and a social basis.

It demonstrates that the regional elections of 2021 largely reproduced the cleavage structure of 2016, but with some changes. What was common was the almost identical total number of participants and the factors of territorial differences in party voting. The difference was the increase in the number of ‘complete’ electoral cleavages and political subdimensions; the emergence of new actors; expansion of the agenda.

It is also noted, that the confrontation between the ‘party of power’ and other participants in domestic politics and the socio-economic sphere constituted the political content of the main electoral cleavage, while the confrontation between market liberals and protectionists in the socio-economic sphere competed for second place with the socio-cultural confrontation. The most common social background of electoral cleavages remained urbanization, which was the main predictor in most cases. At the same time, the importance of economic activity of the population has increased, displacing the factor of demographic characteristics from second place.

In: Russian Politics

Abstract

The Russian Federation is the state that aims at achieving world leadership and restoring its former status as a superpower. Within the framework of such a strategy, the projection of ‘sharp power’ rather than ‘soft power’ gains its significance, since the former expands the wide range of tools for influencing the states and the world community per se. Due to the analysis of the main dimensions of ‘sharp power’, i.e., commerce, media, academia, technology, culture and entertainment, it was determined that Russia uses all channels of it in the countries of the post-Soviet space, which are outlined through the concept of the ‘Near Abroad’. In the group of tools, most widely used, are those from cultural, entertainment and media areas. A distinguishing tool for Russia is the dissemination of the ‘Russian World (Russkii Mir)’ model. It has been outlined that Russia is projecting its sharp power in a visible aspect on a number of countries of the Near Abroad, in particular, Kazakhstan, the Baltic states, Ukraine and Georgia. In addition, based on a number of interpretations, it has been hypothesized that among the goals of ‘sharp power’ is the increase and strengthening of authoritarian practices in the states on which this sharp power is projected.

In: Russian Politics

Abstract

The study focuses on a hard-to-reach and relatively little-studied group that largely determines the configuration of wealth inequality in Russia today – the super-rich Russian businessmen. The object of the study are businessmen who have appeared on the Forbes lists from 2004 to 2021. Based on the analysis of the specially collected empirical database, the composition of the group by key socio-economic and demographic indicators is analyzed, its changes in the course of Russia’s modern history are traced, and the overall dynamics of the group are assessed. The high degree of stability of this group is demonstrated, as well as the high degree of internal inequality within it. Differences in the two sub-groups of the super-rich – those who entered the labor market in the pre-reform and post-reform periods – are identified. It is shown that these differences highlight the gradual changes taking place in this group. However, even today the pre-reform super-rich dominate the group and therefore determine its generalized portrait.

In: Russian Politics

Abstract

This paper explores how interpersonal and institutional trust in Armenia was impacted by three dramatic events in its recent history: the popular uprising of 2018 (also known as the Velvet Revolution), the pandemic, and the war. We use World Value Survey, Caucasus Barometer, and other available surveys to demonstrate the relative stability of interpersonal trust, contrasted with swings in institutional trust. We also show an initial “rally around the flag” effect during the early period of the pandemic, followed by disillusionment. Overall, gains in trust due to the Velvet Revolution outweigh the losses in trust due to Covid-19 and war.

Open Access
In: Caucasus Survey

Abstract

This article examines the history of prostitution in Tiflis from its legalization in the Russian Empire to the implementation of the regulation and monitoring of prostitution in Georgia between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It presents previously unknown facts related to prostitution surrounding the government’s regulation and medicalization of the practice to public attitudes towards it. This article also highlights the intersection of gender, class, and political power in shaping attitudes toward prostitution and regulating sexuality. Furthermore, it argues that the concerns surrounding prostitution in Tiflis reflected wider anxieties about social change. Finally, the article illustrates how the history of prostitution in Tiflis reveals the selective nature of major historical and national narratives and the exclusion of marginalized groups from social and economic discourse in twentieth-century Georgia.

In: Caucasus Survey