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This groundbreaking work studies the Arabic literary culture of early modern Southeast Asia on the basis of largely unstudied and unknown manuscripts. It offers new perspectives on intellectual interactions between the Middle East and Southeast Asia, the development of Islam and especially Sufism in the region, the relationship between the Arabic and Malay literary traditions, and the manuscript culture of the Indian Ocean world. It brings to light a large number of hitherto unknown texts produced at or for the courts of Southeast Asia, and examines the role of royal patronage in supporting Arabic literary production in Southeast Asia.
Author:
This groundbreaking work studies the Arabic literary culture of early modern Southeast Asia on the basis of largely unstudied and unknown manuscripts. It offers new perspectives on intellectual interactions between the Middle East and Southeast Asia, the development of Islam and especially Sufism in the region, the relationship between the Arabic and Malay literary traditions, and the manuscript culture of the Indian Ocean world. It brings to light a large number of hitherto unknown texts produced at or for the courts of Southeast Asia, and examines the role of royal patronage in supporting Arabic literary production in Southeast Asia.
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Abstract
The ancient correspondence allegedly between the Toparch Abgar V of Edessa and Jesus of Nazareth is usually treated in modern scholarship as legendary, though possession of it was important for the legitimation of Armenia as the first Christian kingdom in ca. 314 A.D. (prior to Constantine’s ‘Christian’ rule of a united Roman Empire from 324, and well before Theodosius I’s Edict of Thessalonica in 380). This paper attempts to create a demythologized space in which to reconsider the historical probability that Jesus, widely reputed as a healer in the chief (Near Eastern) Jewish centre of influence, was asked for help by an ailing eminent and replied to his request. Along the way, questions will be raised for further research (italicized) and so in this sense the article takes the form of an Agenda.
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While much ink has been spilled on the Armenian-American Lobby’s efforts to achieve the formal recognition of the tragic events in Anatolia of 1915–1918 as a Genocide, little is known about how the Turkish Lobby sought to prevent such recognition. This article is the first in the literature to offer a systematic account of how the Turkish Lobby advocated in the United States to prevent the recognition of the Armenian Genocide.
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This paper focuses on the worship of Anāhitā in Western Asia examining some of the ideas put forward by James R. Russel in his volume on Zoroastrianism in Armenia in the light of more recent discussions about the role played by the goddess in Armenian religion before the conversion of the country to Christianity. While the evidence from more ancient periods has also been briefly presented, specific attention is given to Anāhīd’s worship in the Sasanian period and to the devotion of Narseh to this divinity. Finally, Middle Persian personal names containing the theonym Anāhīd are briefly introduced and discussed, showing that this important divinity is underrepresented in Sasanian and post-Sasanian onomastics.
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Luigi Villari’s book Fire and Sword in the Caucasus, published in London in 1906, is widely quoted by the scholars who study the history of South Caucasus at the time of the first Russian Revolution in 1905. After a short introduction about the interesting figure of this author, the first part of the article will take into consideration Villari’s peculiar attitude toward the Armenians. The larger part of the article will consider his first-hand description of the massacres perpetrated by the Azeris (Tartars) in the region of Nakhichevan. As a matter of fact, Luigi Villari’s testimony of the tragic events of 1905 is more interesting than ever to understand the origins of a contrast that continues—even if in a deeply different situation—to stain with blood the relationship between Armenians and the South Caucasian Turks.
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In this article I focus on thirty toponyms from the Swāt Valley, Pakistan, that incorporate the concepts of ‘big’ and ‘small’. In this context, ‘big’ is represented by three different adjectives, loy, luth, and mahā, while for ‘small’ we find two different suffixes, -ṛay and -g/k/xay, as well as the adjectives woṛ and waṛukay. Among other things, I also propose a new analysis of one of the toponyms already studied in my 2020 work on the Toponymy of the Swāt Valley, Altangurai.
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This paper examines alignment in Literary Gorani by analysing an unknown Gorani manuscript titled ‘Dīwān-i Mawlawī’ (Manuscript 11092), which is housed at the Āstān-e Qods-e Raḍavī library. The paper has two main objectives. Following Haig (2017) regarding the extent of the micro-variation of ergativity within Iranian languages, the paper explores strategies of interrelated subsystems such as case, indexation, verbal suffixes, and pronominal clitic systems to discover whether Gorani manifests an accusative or an ergative pattern. This helps us to answer the second more general question in this study: is it even possible to consider Literary Gorani as a written form of Hawrami?
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This paper aims to explore the Parthian theme in Horace’s poems throughout its development. First, it delves into the works featuring the ethnonym Parthus, which, unlike the synonymous Medus, notably aligns with the events contemporaneous to the poet. It becomes evident that Horace’s early works reflect the Parthian invasion of 41/40 B.C. and the anxiety surrounding the possibility of a recurrence. However, this apprehension is gradually replaced by verses celebrating victory over the Parthians and their apprehension of Roman power. Ultimately, these poems demonstrate their acknowledgment of Roman authority and the compromise established during the age of Augustus. Horace himself never forgets the threat posed by the Parthians, yet there is no compelling reason to consider him an advocate for a conquest war against their eastern neighbors. He appeared content with the diplomatic compromise that had been achieved.