The present study treats the acquisition of stress in Greek. The goal is the investigation of the mechanisms through which children manage ultimately to acquire the stress system of their native language. The Greek data were drawn from the natural speech of five children ages 1;10 to 3;0 years. The findings of the research emphasize interesting similarities to and differences from the data of children who acquire other languages. More specifically, the children who acquire Greek show a systematic faithfulness to the stressed syllable, which, for the most part, they preserve in their realizations, however not in trochaic feet, even though they are considered the most natural structures in child speech crosslinguistically. As a result, iambic and trochaic structures are manifested in parallel fashion in the speech of different children (inter-child variation) or even in the speech of a single child (intra-child variation). The analysis of the data, done within the framework of the model of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993), demonstrates that children use parallel grammars throughout the different stages of development.
This investigation focuses on the subtle features of the Syntax-Semantics and Syntax-Discourse Interfaces as they are manifested in the comprehension and production of typically developing children acquiring Greek as a native language. Many studies have concluded that aspectual semantics is acquired at any early age in children. The results of the present study are consistent with this observation. Moreover, it offers proof that the integration of pragmatics and compositional properties of telicity, which are necessary in order to overcome the lexical aspect of manner-of-motion verbs in non-locative contexts (due to lack of coercion, which does not occur with motion verbs), leads to processing load and results in a delay of acquisition after a child reaches 10 years old.
The present paper treats the different types of formation and the inflectional patterns of the active imperfect of the verbs that in traditional grammar are known as verbs of the ‘2nd conjugation’ in the Peloponnesian varieties of Modern Greek (except Tsakonian and Maniot), mainly from a diachronic point of view. A reconstruction of the processes that led to the current situation is attempted and directions for further possible changes are suggested. The diachrony of the morphology of the imperfect of the ‘2nd conjugation’ in the Peloponnesian varieties involves developments such as morphologization of a phonological process and the evolution of number-oriented allomorphy at the level of aspectual markers, while at the same time offering interesting insights into the mechanisms and scope of morphological changes and the morphological structure of the Modern Greek verb. These developments can also offer important evidence for the process of dialectal differentiation of Medieval/‘Early Modern’ Greek.
This paper investigates aspects of adjectival modification in Romance and Greek of Southern Italy. In Italiot Greek, prenominal adjectives obey restrictions that do not exist in Standard Modern Greek, where all types of adjectives are allowed in prenominal position. As far as postnominal adjectives are concerned, in the textual tradition of Calabria Greek there is evidence of postnominal adjectives systematically articulated in definite nominal structures (henceforth DP s), in a structure similar to the so-called polydefinite construction that is typical of Standard Modern Greek (and of Greek in general since ancient times). Some residual evidence of such a construction is also found in Salento. Yet, in the varieties currently spoken in the two areas, postnominal adjectives are never articulated. The paper explores these patterns, with particular attention to the mechanisms potentially responsible for the loss of polydefiniteness.
The pattern (Setting – Topic –) Focus. NB: The Verb always follows, which was proposed by H. Dik in order to describe AG’s left periphery, raises some issues. In particular, it presents a number of exceptions, which scholars (Matić and others) have variously attempted to resolve. In the present contribution, based on case studies drawn from Homer, the following pattern for the Homeric left periphery is proposed: (Setting – Topic – Focus). NB: Unmarked elements follow. This is not dramatically different from Dik’s pattern; rather, it is an extension of it.
The semantics of ancient Indo-European noun stems has not yet received enough attention from scholars. However, the noun stems exhibit an inner semantic coherence arranged in accordance with the basic linguistic principles of categorisation. My aim in this paper is to demonstrate the internal semantic coherence of the Ancient Greek οι-stem noun category and to compare it with other well-studied morphosemantic categories in order to suggest a particular meaning structure.
This article discusses the relation between animacy, definiteness, and case in Cappadocian and several other Asia Minor Greek dialects. Animacy plays a decisive role in the assignment of Greek and Turkish nouns to the various Cappadocian noun classes. The development of morphological definiteness is due to Turkish interference. Both features are important for the phenomenon of differential object marking which may be considered one of the most distinctive features of Cappadocian among the Greek dialects.