While Michael Polanyi’s epistemology is fruitful for considering beauty’s epistemological significance, this article shows that Polanyi’s epistemology lacks explicit development of an important aspect of beauty’s contribution to knowledge formation—as mediator. The treatment unfolds by first assessing how Polanyi does treat beauty, and second by establishing the grounds for beauty to serve as a mediator, as well as its fittingness within a Polanyian epistemology. The article considers an expansion of Polanyi’s epistemology to further and more clearly elucidate beauty as mediator of knowledge. Concluding remarks consider how beauty as mediator of knowledge opens the door to pursuit of questions regarding beauty’s role in theological epistemology—i.e., in mediating knowledge of God specifically.
Believers are told in Ephesians 6:11 to put on God’s armour. In Isaiah 59:17, God himself puts on the breastplate of righteousness and the helmet of salvation to come and fight for his people, and these are among the qualities identified as missing in the indictment against God’s people in Isaiah 59:8–15. The article identifies other intertextual allusions to Isaiah in the other four items of armour, and explores the extent to which the other qualities represented by the pieces of equipment also draw on the description of the nation’s plight in Isaiah 59. An awareness of these intertextual allusions suggests that putting on God’s armour means enlisting in the spiritual struggle and going on the offensive by adopting a lifestyle marked by the qualities listed in Ephesians 6:14–17.
Most English translations of the story of the Star of Bethlehem either say explicitly or seem to imply that Herod learns from the magi the point in time at which the star appeared. This translation reflects an unusual understanding of two words in the Greek text, as well as raising the question why he killed children aged over a range of two years if he knew the exact age of the baby. These problems have been raised in the critical literature, yet many modern versions continue to offer a grammatically and logically strange interpretation. This article will argue that this interpretation is based on the assumption of a Hellenistic genethliac astrological background for the text, and that the perceived need for this common translation disappears if a Babylonian astrological background is assumed.
It is widely granted that in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Princeton Theological Seminary had come to be recognized as an international bastion of evangelical and Reformed orthodoxy. Students, drawn to Princeton from across the USA and many points across the globe, returned home to teach and preach the Christian faith as Princeton had relayed it to them. Since the denominationally-mandated reorganization of this seminary in 1929, conservative evangelicals have circulated a narrative describing the seminary as undergoing a ‘death’ in that year. This essay seeks to show both that the theological reorientation of this seminary was much more gradual than this now-customary narrative would allow, and that the graduates of this seminary from both before and after 1929 went on exercising a wide national and international evangelical leadership for decades beyond the reorganization.
This article examines the Acts of Thecla’s unflattering presentation of the character Paul, as part of the reception of Paul’s Corinthian letters into the second century. Informed by feminist and queer biblical interpretations of the Corinthian exchange, it shows how the Acts of Thecla picks up on tensions over authority with Paul’s teachings on baptism, eschatology, and sexual renunciation in its portrait of Paul. Engaging Jack Halberstam’s The Queer Art of Failure, the article suggests that the Acts of Thecla reads Paul’s letters this way in service of the social critique and queer antagonism that it holds up for its second and third century readers. Where Halberstam claims “queer failure” as resistance to capitalist profit, reproductive futurity, and neoliberal notions of success today, here Thecla’s story is read as a narrative of refusal in its own time. Paul’s muddled encounters with Thecla, steeped in the Corinthian exchange, it concludes, are central to this ancient tale about being, and improbably surviving, outside and at the edges of imperial, civic, and familial frames.
Very little is known about the use of Scripture by Bardaisan, the Syriac-speaking Christian philosopher. The scholars have identified a few biblical references and terms, but they found that quotations are extremely rare. Even more so, it is difficult to state an opinion on Bardaisan’s exegetical method. Research has focused on Ephraim’s Memrā against Bardaisan and his passages concerning the reading of Jn 8:51. Now, it is possible to broaden the area of research on the testimony of Eusebius of Emesa – preserved in Armenian – about Bardaisanite exegesis of Gen 6:22 and Gen 7:1, as well as on the uses the Scriptures by Bardaisanite who intervenes in Adamantios’s Dialogue on Right Faith in God. The analysis of this new evidences shows that Bardaisan and his followers practised literal exegesis in the tradition of the Antiochian school.
Il existe très peu d’informations sur l’utilisation des Écritures par Bardesane, le philosophe chrétien de langue syriaque. Les spécialistes ont identifié surtout des allusions et expressions bibliques, mais les citations restent extrêmement rares. À plus forte raison, il est difficile de se prononcer sur la méthode exégétique de Bardesane. Les recherches ont été concentrées sur le Memrā contre Bardesane d’Éphrem et ses passages concernant la lecture de Jn 8, 51. Cependant, il est possible d’élargir le champ de recherche sur le témoignage d’Eusèbe d’Émèse – conservé en arménien – au sujet de l’exégèse bardesanite de Gn 6, 22 et Gn 7, 1, ainsi que sur la manière d’utilisation des Écritures par le bardesanite qui in-tervient dans le Dialogue sur la juste foi en Dieu d’Adamantios. L’analyse de ce nouveau dossier montre que Bardesane et ses disciples ont pratiqué l’exégèse littérale, dans la tradition de l’école d’Antioche.