By qualitatively drawing on relevant empirical and secondary data sources, the present study sought to investigate the relationship and the practice between the Ethiopian state and csos through the illustration of different relationship patterns, i.e. cooperation and/or co-optation and confrontation, between the two actors and the implications thereof for the imperative of democratization in the country. The study primarily analyzed two supplementary notions: the politico-legal changes in the governance of Ethiopian csos, between 1991 and 2018, on the one hand, and the strategies employed by cso actors to deal with such changes in the same period, on the other hand. The analysis could be further divided into two analytical time periods i.e., the first is from 1991 up to 2005 and the second is from 2005 up to 2018. In doing so, the study found out that the state-civil society relations in Ethiopia since 1991 was more complicated than implied by the liberal discourse, and reflected a continuum of accommodation and confrontation dynamics. The study concluded by arguing that the commonly held dichotomy which polarized the relation between the state and csos as a whole may have overlooked the nature of relationship between the two actors, which can range from overt and hidden tensions and active hostility to cooperation and collaboration, depending on various factors across time and space.
The paper examines and compares the transnational labour migration from Cambodia to Malaysia and South Korea, based on the first-hand data and information collected through in-depth interviews with concerned migrant labour. The study sheds light on that the Cambodian workers have changed to engage in new types of unskilled jobs when they move to work in Malaysia and South Korea, which are different from their occupations in Cambodia. The study demonstrates that labour migration to Malaysia and South Korea has helped maximizing the incomes of concerned households through sending remittance as a prevalent mode of risk minimisation. This study sheds light on the different patterns between the migrants in Malaysia and South Korea in two aspects: 1) remittance to home: the vast majority of the migrant workers in South Korea sent their salaries back home by remittance, while those in Malaysia sent limited remittance back home; 2) different mechanisms: scheme of Government-Agency (G-A) for emigration to Malaysia and Government-Government (G-G) for that to South Korea. The study enriches the literature on transnational labour migration by the evidence of brain drain from Cambodia to South Korea and Malaysia.
Modernity as a set of attitudes based on reason, or as the cultivation of scientific temper, was informed by the imperative of development in a postcolonial state like India. Alongside the rise of democracy, there was the pressing need for removing poverty and ensuring fulfilment of basic needs for the common people. It is in this sphere of addressing poverty and underdevelopment that India became modern in a very material and substantive sense. The paper makes a case for an understanding of modernity that is deeply rooted in the material needs of the people and traces this impulse of development modernity from the time of India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru till the present government led by Narendra Modi. While doing so, it problematises Nehru’s and Modi’s statist understanding of development and brings them to conversation to understand the continuing promise of modernity predicated on development. In the process both Nehru and Modi are interpreted vis-à-vis the times they lived in as well as their responses to what constituted India’s core values, their relationship with modernity and development’s place in it.
This article reviews two books on Chinese Indonesians in post-Suharto Indonesia written by two young scholars: Chong Wu-Ling (2018), and Toshio Matsumura (2017). Both books illustrate the recent stream of academic publications on Chinese Indonesians by a young generation of non-Indonesian scholars who are mostly based in the East Asia region. Their works are promising as they rely on continuous fieldwork and pose new questions that reflect the socio-political changes in Indonesia and the rise of China in the region. Despite these welcomed developments, we have yet to see any paradigm shift from the works of earlier scholars. Concurrently, young scholars in the region are challenged to develop their studies beyond the Euro-American intellectual hegemony.
Since the coming of Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (eprdf) into power, Ethiopia has oscillated with the trial of different economic models. In 2001, the regime adopted developmental state model along with ethnic federalism while abandoning liberalism. Taking these facts into account, this paper assesses the tension and compatibility between developmental state and ethnic federalism. The findings of this paper reveal that there are no problems associated with the developmental state in terms of rhetorical points of view. It can improve development if the governments strictly observe and implement the pillars that the developmental state needs to have. However, the marriage between developmental state and ethnic federalism incurs the possibility of the non-enforcement of the main pillars of the developmental state. The nature of the developmental state and the way Ethiopia’s federal system structured is incompatible, which I call such a relation the ‘matrimony of discordant’.
The recognition of commercial agricultural investment unfolded the allocation of land to investors for the production of different cash and food crops in Ethiopia. But anti-expropriation voices and subsequent vandalizing of investment sites have been mushroomed and become far reminder occasions in Ethiopia. This study, thus, tried to uncover the Political-Economy of land expropriation in Ethiopia: a focus on flower farms in Amhara region. A mixed research design was employed by involving primary and secondary sources of data gathered via interview, focused group discussion, questionnaire and document review. Then, the data were presented, analyzed and interpreted through statistics-by-themes and side-by-side jointly. In the study, land expropriation was carried out without genuine public consultation, ascertaining popular consent and written notification. And, compensation was paid to evictees albeit the valuation process was full of uncertainty and jumping. Moreover, flower farms have negatively affected the livelihood and food security of peasants, which in turn brought violence, tenure insecurity and strained government-society relations. This indicated that the expansion of commercial farming was not made vis-à-vis empowering the displaced people. Thus, evictees should be part of the development process for the sustainability and success of farms.
This paper examines the history of the commercial maritime activities associated with the former British Consulate at Takao (1864–1895) by considering its role as a facilitator of trade and international relations, particularly with Southeast Asia. The Takao Consulate fostered international trade between Southern Taiwan and Southeast Asia through the trading firm Jardine Matheson and contributed to the favorable economic conditions that were further enhanced by the Japanese Empire’s colonial administration of Taiwan from 1895 to 1945. By drawing on Man-Houng Lin’s work on the development of Taiwan in the late 19th to early 20th century, examining the history of the Consulate, locating Taiwan in the nexus of commercial links spanning the Western Pacific rim, and analyzing the links between the implementation of state policies and the conduct of international business, we will provide a contextualisation of the prevailing foreign trade policies of the Taiwanese government.
This article traces the evolution of China-Malaysia relations under National Front Prime Minister Najib Razak and the Alliance of Hope Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. While the Belt and Road Initiative (bri) strengthened Beijing’s support of Najib’s kleptocratic regime in Malaysia, the 2018 general elections brought the anti-graft Alliance of Hope coalition led by Mahathir into power. Under Mahathir’s leadership, Malaysia cancelled several large-scale infrastructural projects like the East Coast Rail Link (ecrl), owing to their links with Najib’s 1mdb scandal and the unfavorable terms of the bri which put Malaysia severely in China’s debt. Although this curtailed Beijing’s use of Malaysia as a pawn in its goals in the region, it alienated some of the new Alliance of Hope’s supporters and saw the loss of much Chinese investment. However, Malaysia had already been caught in the bri’s web and Mahathir had to mend fences with Beijing by renegotiating better deals and redefining Malaysia’s relations with China. As Malaysia is geopolitically strategic to China’s extension of influence in Southeast Asia, Beijing willingly cut the ecrl cost by a third. It is in such context and with due consideration of the changing developments in the Alliance of Hope’s perception of Malaysia’s relations with China that this article will explore the enigmatic nature of China-Malaysia relations as the latter strives to protect its sovereignty against Chinese influence and Beijing continues to press its charm offensive through the bri.