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Abstract

Wu Bing’s 吳炳 play Liaodu geng 療妒羹 (The Remedy for Jealousy, ca. 1630) transforms the tragic legend of Xiaoqing into a comedy. This chapter investigates how the transformation is made possible in Wu Bing’s text and how this transformation comments on the ideal of qing and The Peony Pavilion. This chapter pays close attention to the ridiculed figure of the shrew and a crucial metatheatrical moment in the play—a comic adaptation of The Peony Pavilion directed by the female protagonist Madam Yan. My reading of the comic elements in The Remedy for Jealousy reveals that Wu’s adaptation of Xiaoqing’s legend is a literary experiment that explores the possibility of incorporating the self-oriented qing into the orthodox polygamous familial system. This chapter also explains how this literary experiment fails in the end.

In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries
In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries
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Abstract

Wang Yun’s 王荺 Fanhua meng 繁華夢 (A Dream of Glory, 1778), is one of the few extant chuanqi plays written by a female dramatist in late imperial China. Wang Yun’s play utilizes a dream theme to imagine a young woman’s (Miss Wang) adventure after her physical transformation into a man. The incongruity between Miss Wang’s reserved manner and the excessive romantic quests of her dream alter ego creates a comic undertone for the play. This chapter examines how Wang Yun conveys the difficulty and excitement of a woman’s adventure as a desiring subject through humor. This chapter argues that humorous moments in the play that have been overlooked by Wang Yun’s contemporary commentators actually play important roles in Wang’s reflection on gender identity.

In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries
In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries
Author:

Abstract

Li Yu’s 李渔 Ideal Love Matches 意中缘 (ca. 1655) rewrites the life stories of two 17th century female painters. Set in a thriving but corrupt art market that traffics in forgeries, Li Yu’s play pokes fun at the presumption of art as a medium of authentic feelings in the romantic chuanqi tradition. It also comments on one important cultural effect of the qing discourse: the celebration of female talent. Li Yu’s play is embellished with humorous misidentifications resulting from gender biases. Besides Li’s dramatic text, this chapter also examines the female commentator Huang Yuanjie’s responses to Li Yu’s adaptation of two women artists’ stories. This chapter argues that Li Yu’s play, along with its commentary, questions the meaning of the caizi-jiaren romantic model in a changing world where the rise of commerce and female talent challenged the traditional literati identity.

In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries
Author:

Abstract

Ruan Dacheng’s Yanzi jian 燕子箋 (The Swallow’s Letter, 1642), a comedy of errors, occupies an awkward position in the history of chuanqi drama. Ruan’s notorious reputation as a traitor to the Ming regime has overshadowed the artistic merits of The Swallow’s Letter for centuries. This chapter calls attention to the intricacy of Ruan’s drama. Marking the origin of strong emotional attachment as a human error, Ruan’s play demonstrates ironic intertextuality with The Peony Pavilion. This chapter explains how Ruan’s aesthetic preference for mistakes as a comic device can be interpreted as his cynical response to the idealism of qing. The comic in The Swallow’s Letter allows us to understand and reevaluate Ruan Dacheng’s artistic legacy as a writer of romantic chuanqi under the pressure of his own political controversies.

In: Love for a Laugh: The Comic in Romantic Chuanqi Plays of the 17th and 18th Centuries

Abstract

It is with Vinaya that Buddhist monastics define their identity and regulate their collective life in the monasteries. This chapter deals with two Vinaya reforms in post-war Taiwan. After the 1949 relocation of the government of the Nationalist Party to Taiwan, the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC) established the “Triple Platform Ordination” to make Taiwan the stronghold of “authentic” Chinese Buddhism. After the lifting of martial law in Taiwan, the Vinaya masters leading the second wave of the Vinaya movement were comprised mostly of Chinese monks who arrived in Taiwan after 1970 and began holding their own ordination ceremonies after 1993. These male Vinaya masters criticized the ordination system established by BAROC as illegitimate due to its failure to implement Dual Ordination. In order to legitimate their new ordination system, only Dual Ordination ceremonies that foreground the practice of the Eight Revered Conditions as contained in the Mahāprajāpati-bhikṣuṇī-sūtra are considered legitimate by the “Vinaya monasteries and nunneries” that grew out of Second Wave Vinaya. This emphasis on the Eight Revered Conditions gives male Vinaya masters the authority to (re-)define the identity of bhikṣuṇīs, as well as of changing the relationship between monasteries and nunneries. By introducing this second wave of Vinaya reform, I explore the gender tension caused by the overwhelming manpower of nuns over monks in Taiwan as well as the tension toward the secularization of Humanistic Buddhism (renjian fojiao 人間佛教) and demonstrate how both tensions have led these groups of monks and nuns to devote themselves to the revival of “Correct Chinese Buddhism” under the Vinaya reform.

In: "Take the Vinaya as Your Master"

Abstract

Early Buddhist disciplinary masters in India were determined to preserve the good reputation of the monastic community by establishing codes of conduct for every aspect of daily life, including physical activities. Hence, their normative texts (Vinaya) encourage monastics to exercise strict control over their bodily movements and to remain decent at all times. This chapter investigates the regulations relating to physical activities that the Vinaya masters included in their texts and considers what this framework of discipline and rectitude implied for Buddhist monastics in China. How were the Indian normative texts interpreted, and which aspects were emphasized in the new context of Chinese Buddhism? In conjunction with the next chapter in this volume, the present study also discusses the implications of this process for some contemporary Chinese masters, particularly Hsing Yun 星雲 (born 1927), founder of the Foguangshan monastery in Taiwan. As we will see, in Medieval China, where the burgeoning popularity of Mahāyāna Buddhism coincided with the widespread adoption of the Vinaya rules, the link between the body and the outside world became even more apparent. Virtue takes bodily forms, and bodily forms express virtue—at least in the ideal normative context. In addition, social control and, to a lesser extent, attention to health issues increase the pressure on the body and bodily gestures. In martial arts, especially in modern times, this combination of virtue and (health) control has inspired masters to encourage monastics to make full, beneficial use of their bodies by guiding both themselves and other sentient beings toward the Buddhist Dharma.

In: "Take the Vinaya as Your Master"
Author:

Abstract

Starting from the fourth century, Chinese clergy have composed regulations specifically suited to indigenous monastic life and intended to supplement Vinaya prātimokṣa rules and Bodhisattva precepts. Thanks to their relative flexibility, Chinese monastic codes represent a fundamental resource for understanding the evolution of Chinese Buddhism, as they conveniently reflect modifications in monasteries’ internal functioning and relationship with the outside world. Based on both textual evidence and fieldwork, this chapter provides an overview of Buddhist monastic regulations (guiyue 規約 or zhidu 制度) that are presently in use in public monasteries in the People’s Republic of China and considers them against the backdrop of a long Buddhist regulatory tradition. I first consider the place of monastic regulations within the Chinese Vinaya tradition and introduce the conventional contexts in which they were and are composed and learned. I then highlight major new typologies, new features, and new contents of Buddhist monastic regulations that have been composed since the post-Mao religious reconstruction as compared to late imperial Rules of Purity and Republican codes. Finally, rules related to the selection of abbots in public monasteries provides an example of the ways in which monastic regulations can be circumvented in order to allow for important institutional changes. This analysis especially shows how a plurality of old and new actors interact and elaborate a range of strategies in order to meet both new socio-political demands and internal needs—a process that actively participates in a redefinition of Buddhism that serves to promote its continual institutionalization and embedment in society. It will also appear that, while representing the device by which Chinese Vinaya quickly responds to social, political, and economic changes, monastic codes also remain strongly anchored in the received tradition. A full translation of the Communal rules (gongzhu guiyue 共住規約) of Bailin Chansi, a large Chan public monastery in Hebei province, is provided in the appendix.

In: "Take the Vinaya as Your Master"

Abstract

Over decades of active social engagement among Taiwanese Buddhists, the precept-conferral ceremony for both laymen and monastics has become one of the most important events at many temples in Taiwan. Given that the Bodhisattva precepts are intended for both monastics and the laity, precept conferral is important for both the institutional management of Buddhism and individual practitioners. The two major streams of the Bodhisattva precepts are the Brahmā’s Net Precepts and the Yogācāra Precepts. Despite the longstanding predominance of the Brahmā’s Net Precepts, the Yogācāra Precepts began to gain importance during the early twentieth century, first in Mainland China and later in Taiwan. In order to understand how the attitudes toward the Bodhisattva precepts changed in the twentieth century, I have examined the debates on the Brahmā’s Net Precepts and the Yogācāra Precepts starting from the earliest proclamation in Mainland China and continuing through the end of the century in Taiwan. This chapter will begin with a brief survey of Taixu’s advocacy of the Yogācāra Precepts and his influence on those of his contemporaries who immigrated to Taiwan after 1945. The second half of this chapter will then move to Taiwan, focusing on the initial precept reforms that took place during the 1950s and the subsequent development of monastic education on the precepts and the Vinaya through Buddhist institutes, including several active female communities. The conclusions will shed light on the change and continuity of Bodhisattva precepts from China to Taiwan.

In: "Take the Vinaya as Your Master"