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Author: Ryan Leano

Cultural workers have a vital role in making social change accessible to marginalized communities, through whatever art form. People may not connect with a theory-dense book on social change, but they will instantly connect to a song, a poem, or a visual art piece concerning social change. Art has the capacity to connect people, and the art cultural workers produce is passionately rooted in peoples’ struggles and hopes. It also gives relevance to marginalized communities’ struggles in ways that are accessible to them because they can identify with the stories and gives their struggles a voice.

Cultural workers view themselves as being deliberate in creating culture as an act of resistance to neocolonialism and imperialism, and much of the stories they tell though their creative work are not revealed in literature, society, and mainstream media. The concept of “cultural workers” is also to deconstruct the myth of artists working in isolation from the community. Cultural workers are not just artists, but more importantly are community organizers who are of and with the communities they work with.

One of the objectives for writing this chapter is to show how cultural work brings political consciousness to marginalized populations who do not have access to education, in other words, how cultural workers become educators of marginalized communities beyond the limitations of the classroom. Another objective is to show how cultural work is a tool for social change in the National Democratic Movement of the Philippines, a social movement that goes beyond the borders of the Philippines.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism
Author: Ryan Leano

Cultural workers have a vital role in making social change accessible to marginalized communities, through whatever art form. People may not connect with a theory-dense book on social change, but they will instantly connect to a song, a poem, or a visual art piece concerning social change. Art has the capacity to connect people, and the art cultural workers produce is passionately rooted in peoples’ struggles and hopes. It also gives relevance to marginalized communities’ struggles in ways that are accessible to them because they can identify with the stories and gives their struggles a voice.

Cultural workers view themselves as being deliberate in creating culture as an act of resistance to neocolonialism and imperialism, and much of the stories they tell though their creative work are not revealed in literature, society, and mainstream media. The concept of “cultural workers” is also to deconstruct the myth of artists working in isolation from the community. Cultural workers are not just artists, but more importantly are community organizers who are of and with the communities they work with.

One of the objectives for writing this chapter is to show how cultural work brings political consciousness to marginalized populations who do not have access to education, in other words, how cultural workers become educators of marginalized communities beyond the limitations of the classroom. Another objective is to show how cultural work is a tool for social change in the National Democratic Movement of the Philippines, a social movement that goes beyond the borders of the Philippines.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism
Author: Joy Sales

Abstract

Bayan Ko (my people/country),” focuses on the Katipunan ng mga Demokratikong Pilipino (KDP), the first national revolutionary mass organization of Filipinos in the United States that was directly linked to the Philippine left. With the onset of the Marcos dictatorship, Filipinos and their allies articulated a diasporic vision that linked homeland and domestic politics, the positionality of Filipinos in the homeland and in the diaspora, and the diaspora’s responsibility in supporting movements in the homeland. Sales documents how young activists in KDP became politicized through understanding their lived experiences as post-colonial subjects of U.S. empire, and how activists transformed this newfound consciousness into action by promoting the National Democratic Movement in the Filipino community. Through various efforts, such as their involvement in the Pilipino People’s Far West Convention, the Political Prisoners Program, and their ties to the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, KDP represented an important experiment of integrating overseas Filipinos into leftist movements in the homeland and testing radical transnationalism in the Filipino American community. Sales argues that KDP strived to make local/homeland politics legible and possible for the Filipino community.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism
Author: Joy Sales

Abstract

Bayan Ko (my people/country),” focuses on the Katipunan ng mga Demokratikong Pilipino (KDP), the first national revolutionary mass organization of Filipinos in the United States that was directly linked to the Philippine left. With the onset of the Marcos dictatorship, Filipinos and their allies articulated a diasporic vision that linked homeland and domestic politics, the positionality of Filipinos in the homeland and in the diaspora, and the diaspora’s responsibility in supporting movements in the homeland. Sales documents how young activists in KDP became politicized through understanding their lived experiences as post-colonial subjects of U.S. empire, and how activists transformed this newfound consciousness into action by promoting the National Democratic Movement in the Filipino community. Through various efforts, such as their involvement in the Pilipino People’s Far West Convention, the Political Prisoners Program, and their ties to the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, KDP represented an important experiment of integrating overseas Filipinos into leftist movements in the homeland and testing radical transnationalism in the Filipino American community. Sales argues that KDP strived to make local/homeland politics legible and possible for the Filipino community.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism

Abstract

While much of ethnoracial literature has explored interethnic and interracial divisions, they largely ignore intragroup boundaries, particularly along the lines of generational status. In this chapter, Gutierrez argues that second-generation migrants are raised within a social context that consistently reinforces the notion that their lives as Filipino Americans are vastly different from those that reside in and originate from the Philippines. The ways in which second-generation Filipino Americans develop their understanding of the country through various outlets, such as the familial context, transnational connections, media exposure, as well as educational and organizational resources, reinforce perceptions of the Philippines possessing cultural, social, economic and political conditions different from the conditions that respondents face in the U.S. While some identify as “Filipino” as a form of ancestral lineage, when asked for their race/ethnicity, their identification as Filipino as a form of national and cultural membership is less stable. Instead, many choose to identify as “Filipino American” to better encompass the ambivalence of their identification.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism

Abstract

While much of ethnoracial literature has explored interethnic and interracial divisions, they largely ignore intragroup boundaries, particularly along the lines of generational status. In this chapter, Gutierrez argues that second-generation migrants are raised within a social context that consistently reinforces the notion that their lives as Filipino Americans are vastly different from those that reside in and originate from the Philippines. The ways in which second-generation Filipino Americans develop their understanding of the country through various outlets, such as the familial context, transnational connections, media exposure, as well as educational and organizational resources, reinforce perceptions of the Philippines possessing cultural, social, economic and political conditions different from the conditions that respondents face in the U.S. While some identify as “Filipino” as a form of ancestral lineage, when asked for their race/ethnicity, their identification as Filipino as a form of national and cultural membership is less stable. Instead, many choose to identify as “Filipino American” to better encompass the ambivalence of their identification.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism

Abstract

This chapter offers a close analysis of two Filipina activist leaders, Ester Soriano-Hewitt and Prosy Abarquez Delacruz, who played pivotal roles in several Los Angeles-based activist organizations, including the National Committee for Restoration of Civil Liberties in the Philippines (ncrclp) Los Angeles Chapter, the Sunday Morning Group (smg) and the Alliance for Philippine Concerns (apc). It examines the role of Soriano-Hewitt, as a critical social network connector and democratic facilitator in the groups. Soriano-Hewitt acted as a “centerwoman” who paid attention to the needs of others, recognized potential interpersonal links, and forged connections. Delacruz, meanwhile, galvanized women of her Los Angeles apc chapter to take their husbands and male comrades to task for not undertaking their share of reproductive labor, particularly during what Hanna calls the “fourth shift” of care work that activist women typically provide men in their organizations. The chapter demonstrates that their interventions sparked what Hanna calls, “revolutionary intimacies,” or close bonds required for deeper political thinking and commitments. Hanna also offers an overview of transnational anti-imperialist Filipino organizing in Los Angeles in the 1970s and 1980s, arguing that their invisible labor was integral to the city’s synergistic proliferation of diasporic Filipino anti-martial law, civil rights, and internationalist political work during those decades.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism

Abstract

This chapter offers a close analysis of two Filipina activist leaders, Ester Soriano-Hewitt and Prosy Abarquez Delacruz, who played pivotal roles in several Los Angeles-based activist organizations, including the National Committee for Restoration of Civil Liberties in the Philippines (ncrclp) Los Angeles Chapter, the Sunday Morning Group (smg) and the Alliance for Philippine Concerns (apc). It examines the role of Soriano-Hewitt, as a critical social network connector and democratic facilitator in the groups. Soriano-Hewitt acted as a “centerwoman” who paid attention to the needs of others, recognized potential interpersonal links, and forged connections. Delacruz, meanwhile, galvanized women of her Los Angeles apc chapter to take their husbands and male comrades to task for not undertaking their share of reproductive labor, particularly during what Hanna calls the “fourth shift” of care work that activist women typically provide men in their organizations. The chapter demonstrates that their interventions sparked what Hanna calls, “revolutionary intimacies,” or close bonds required for deeper political thinking and commitments. Hanna also offers an overview of transnational anti-imperialist Filipino organizing in Los Angeles in the 1970s and 1980s, arguing that their invisible labor was integral to the city’s synergistic proliferation of diasporic Filipino anti-martial law, civil rights, and internationalist political work during those decades.

In: Filipino American Transnational Activism
In: Filipino American Transnational Activism
In: Filipino American Transnational Activism