“Undesirable” Chinese – vagrants, undocumented migrants, pickpockets, beggars, drunkards, idlers and the “suspicious” – were considered “dangerous” by the Spanish colonial government because they posed a threat to the financial and political security of the Philippines. Mostly belonging to the laboring classes, these unemployed and marginally employed individuals were arrested, prosecuted and punished for violating policies relating to registration, taxation and migration. While other forms of discipline and punishment were meted out to these “minor” offenders, the state deemed it necessary to expel them from the colony.
This paper explores why and how “undesirable” Chinese were expelled from the Philippines between 1883, when the first expulsion order was issued, and 1898, when Spanish rule ended. Set in the broader political and socio-economic context of the late nineteenth century, it examines the actors, institutions and processes involved in banishing these offenders to China. Using previously underutilized archival materials, it interrogates the relations that emerged among various entities such as the state, the leaders of the Chinese community in Manila, private businesspeople, and Chinese “criminals” in terms of the expulsion process.
The Chinese diaspora seen as a movement, at least in the years before the mid-twentieth century, is characterised largely as one of men. But the majority of these men stayed in close connection with an equally great, if not larger, group of women who remained at home in their south China villages. It is argued here that the role and significance of these women of the villages in the Chinese diaspora has been greatly under-researched. It is also argued that such neglect has meant that too great an emphasis has been put in the literature on leaving and settlement, as opposed to remaining and returning. Life for these women in the villages was one dependent on remittances, which in turn was a mixture of relative wealth and poverty, dependence and independence, authority and anxiety, and loneliness and freedom. It is concluded that the integration of half the participants in the Chinese diaspora – in so far as our largely male-based sources allow – into the literature of the Chinese overseas has much to offer in terms of our interpretation of the impact of the restrictive laws of the white-settler nations and of the motivations of those who returned to the villages and of those who did not.
Since independence in 1965, the Singapore government has established a strongly mandated education policy with an English-first and official mother tongue Mandarin-second bilingualism. A majority of local-born Chinese have inclined toward a Western rather than Chinese identity, with some scholars regarding English as Singapore’s “new mother tongue.” Other research has found a more local identity built on Singlish, a localized form of English which adopts expressions from the ethnic mother tongues. However, a re-emergent China and new waves of mainland migrants over the past two decades seem to have strengthened Chinese language ideologies in the nation’s linguistic space. This article revisits the intriguing relationships between language and identity through a case study of Chineseness among young ethnic Chinese Singaporeans. Guided by a theory of identity and investment and founded on survey data, it investigates the Chinese language ideologies of university students and their agency in choosing for themselves a Chinese imagined identity and community. Our survey found that ethnic Chinese Singaporean university students still possess a strong affinity for Mandarin and a desire to develop this aspect of their identity, in the context of Singapore’s multiracial national identity. There exists a high propensity for imagined futures in Chineseness, with a majority of survey respondents who claimed English-speaking and bilingual identities also expressing the desire to become more bilingual and more Mandarin-speaking. This paper also deciphers the external and internal factors contributing to this development and suggests some areas of future research.
The goal of this research is to explore the acculturation and adaptation factors that are likely to predict the level of loneliness among Chinese migrants residing in Portugal. The sample is constituted by one hundred and eighty-nine participants (25 percent women and 75 percent men) with an average age of 29 years. The average length of sojourn was 8 years. We used the ULS-6 scale to assess loneliness. Other instruments were utilized to evaluate ethnic identity, perceived discrimination, mental health, sociocultural adaptation, and tolerance. In agreement with expectations, ethnic identity negatively predicted loneliness, and perceived discrimination positively predicted loneliness. Lastly, sociocultural adaptation and tolerance negatively predicted loneliness, and mental health problems positively predicted loneliness. The adaptation factors predicted 60 percent of the variance in loneliness. Implications of these findings for reducing migrants’ loneliness are considered.
This paper explores the ways in which Bruneians who are born into a Chinese-Malay family define their identity, how the state classifies them in terms of “race,” how they negotiate their bicultural practices, and what challenges they face while growing up in the liminal space of inbetweenness. Considering the hegemonic force of assimilation enforced by various state apparatuses, the article critically discusses the ways in which Chinese-Malays negotiate the space between assimilation and hybridity. By examining the experience of between and betwixt among these biracial subjects, the article alludes to the different forces that define the boundaries of exclusion and inclusion, belonging and non-belonging in Brunei Darussalam.
This article reexamines the political dynamic within Manila’s Parián (Chinatown) in the early eighteenth century, challenging the “conventional” paradigm of Christian Chinese monopolization of power. The centerpiece of my research focuses on a judicial case initiated by the Chinese community against Pedro Barredo, a Spanish official charged with committing a variety of sadistic crimes against Chinese merchants and their families in 1701. It also analyzes the psychological rationale undergirding Spain’s systemic racism against Chinese immigrants responsible for the colony’s economic prosperity. Utilizing unpublished documents from the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain, and the National Archives of the Philippines in Manila, this new perspective fills in significant details missing from scholarly literature regarding the Chinese Overseas experience in Manila prior to 1800.
This article explores how Chinese-language newspapers in Australia reported on China in the period 1931–37. These newspapers made efforts to build support for the Sino-Japanese war and influence Chinese residents in Australia. However, they offered contrasting views of the Chinese government ruled by the Kuomintang. The Tung Wah Times, along with the Chinese World’s News, continued to publish anti-Chiang Kai-shek propaganda, arguing for a strong anti-Japanese resistance. But the Chinese Republic News and the Chinese Times demonstrated support for and understanding of the Chiang government’s dilemma, though the political position of the former was much more fluid. The divergent views revealed the multiple loyalties of Chinese residents in Australia and their active community politics when their population in Australia was declining, and it was a reminder that the diasporic community cannot be homogenized with a collective concept of a “country.” It also reflected their shared identification with the Chinese nation, showing different approaches to building up a strong home country. By shaping their readerships’ Chinese patriotism and nationalism, these Chinese-language newspapers strengthened the connection and allegiances between Chinese in Australia and their homeland.
This paper fills a scholarly gap in the understanding of intraethnic diversity by way of a case study of the formation of a Taiwanese American identity. Drawing on a review of the existing scholarly literature and data from systematic field observations, as well as secondary data including ethnic organizations’ mission statements and activity reports, we explore how internal and external processes intersect to drive the construction of a distinct Taiwanese American identity. The study focuses on addressing three interrelated questions: (1) How does Taiwanese immigration to the United States affect diasporic development? (2) What contributes to the formation of a Taiwanese American identity? (3) In what specific ways is the Taiwanese American identity sustained and promoted? We conceive of ethnic formation as an ethnopolitical process. We argue that this ethnopolitical process involves constant negotiation and action in multiple spaces beyond nation-state boundaries. We show that immigration dynamics and homeland politics interact to create diversified rather than homogenized patterns of diasporic development and ethnic identification. The lifting of martial law in 1987 and democratization in Taiwan since then have led to increased public support for Taiwanization and Taiwanese nationalism in Taiwan. Rising nationalism in the homeland has in turn invigorated efforts at constructing an ethnonational – Taiwanese American – identity in the diaspora through proactive disidentification from the Chinese American community and civic transnationalism. This ethnopolitical identity is re-affirmed through cultural reinvention, outreach and networking, and appropriation of Taiwan indigenous cultures and symbols. We conclude by discussing the complexity of diasporic development and identity formation.