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Abstract
The study sought to explore the nature of community empowerment in holding local councils accountable. The study adopted both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. Three Zones, namely Central Gondar, Wag Hemra, and South Wollo, were selected as study areas. From these three Zones, five woredas were selected. Two kebeles were selected purposively from each sample Woreda. Accordingly, 10 study kebeles were selected. A total of 269 samples from the community have been incorporated into the survey. Primary data were collected through survey, key informant interview, fgd, and in-depth interview techniques. The study used thematic analysis technique for the qualitative data and descriptive analysis for the quantitative data. The results show that the level of community empowerment in holding council members accountable for their needs and priorities is low. Local people have little say in their local affairs. Currently, the council members are serving their second term without local elections. Hence, Some Kebeles and Woredas do not have representatives in the local councils.
Abstract
Armenia and Azerbaijan have had a long history of adversarial conflict, with hostility being a recurring theme throughout history. The long history manifested into outright armed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 2020. Subsequently, Armenia filed an application before the International Court of Justice to institute proceedings against Azerbaijan for racial discrimination against ethnic Armenians. This paper examines the jurisdiction of the icj in deciding on the dispute. The paper argues that it appears that the icj has jurisdiction over the present dispute. The second part of the paper discusses the applicability of the Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. It finally concludes with the way forward.
Abstract
Human trafficking, as an illegal movement of people using coercions, frauds, and forces, is considered modern-day slavery. The world nowadays is experiencing severe socio-economic and cultural problems as a result of human trafficking. This study examines the trends of human trafficking in Metema Woreda, Ethiopia. The study also investigates actors and modus operandi of human trafficking in Metema woreda. A qualitative research method was employed—both descriptive and case study research designs were also used. Accordingly, primary data were collected by conducting key informant interviews with residents, victims, and public officials. Secondary data were collected from state documents, records, reports, articles, and official statistics. The collected data were thematically analysed. The study finally concludes that despite there had been increasing trends in the past, the current trend of human trafficking in Metema shows slight decreasing. The study identified traffickers, political leaders, shekaba, shekama, residents of transit places, government officials, and security forces as actors facilitating the human trafficking process. Moreover, extreme poverty and high unemployment rates are driving forces that make individuals, particularly young women, become victims of human trafficking. Generally, the study recommends the local and higher governments to address human trafficking by enforcing laws more effectively, implementing robust local security measures, generating employment prospects, and alleviating poverty. The study also recommends the local community to stop collaborating the illegal traffickers and stand for fight against the human trafficking.
Abstract
In recent decades, the phenomenon of international immigration has witnessed a dramatic increase, propelled by factors such as globalisation, escalating poverty and hunger, environmental degradation, war, and civil unrest. Since 2015, a notable surge in immigration from Muslim-majority countries to Europe has occurred, attributed to the geographic proximity of Europe to crisis-ridden areas like the Middle East and North Africa. On the other hand, in recent years, extreme right-wing and racist tendencies have proliferated across nearly all European nations. Immigrants, particularly those of Muslim faith, have become easy scapegoats for these right-wing elements, portraying them as threats to European identity, values, culture, and economy. This article aims to delve into the perception of Europeans towards Muslim immigrants, addressing the pivotal question: Is the immigration of individuals from Muslim countries to the European Union a genuine threat or a constructed one? The paper systematically deconstructs the primary arguments depicting Muslim immigrants as threats to the security, identity, and economy of European countries. It rigorously contends that this perceived threat is predominantly constructed by certain right-wing politicians and media outlets.
Abstract
Most members of all three communities often live on the margins of society, with high levels of unemployment and low levels of education. Aim – To assess the experiences and satisfaction of the rae community with the health services. Methodology – The research was in the period March – June 2023. The criteria for inclusion were clear and based on this, 120 participants were selected. Results – The participants were treated with respect (80%), they did not feel treated differently from others (78%), there were no obstacles in communication (70%), there were no delays in receiving services (80%) and did not feel discriminated or prejudiced (88%). The 90% of them graded healthcare services as 5 on a scale of 1–5. Conclusions – We can conclude that most of the respondents expressed satisfaction with the health services they received, which was the main goal of our research.
Abstract
Following in the footsteps of the Nyéléni Declaration, the transnational agrarian movement La Via Campesina (lvc) secured recognition for the right to food sovereignty within the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas. Alongside this, the academic community and the agrarian movement itself have developed the concept of “seed sovereignty”. Although it has not followed the same normative trajectory as food sovereignty, it has served (i) to bring together a range of issues scattered throughout the biodiversity “regime complex” (industrial property, concentration, seed regulation, gmo regulation, biopiracy, conservation); (ii) to establish a coherent and integrative intellectual framework, the high point of which was undoubtedly the enshrinement of the “right to seeds” in Article 19 of the Declaration.
This chapter traces the history of the concept and the genealogy of Article 19, showing that seed sovereignty, through its appeal to permanent sovereignty over natural resources (which was also clearly visible during the drafting process), sought to anchor the prerogatives granted to peasants and farmers over their seeds in international human rights law. More fundamentally, in its alliance with the right to food sovereignty, it represents a significant attempt to challenge the Westphalian sovereignty – a hallmark of the transnational agrarian movement.
Abstract
This article looks at the classification and treatment of indigenous peoples and minorities’ rights under the United Nations. In particular, it explores what the differences between indigenous and minorities, and the differences and similarities between activism for indigenous and minority rights under the United Nations umbrella are. It concludes by proposing recommendations for change so that advocacy for these rights and implementation of them can be better addressed especially in the current climate where conflicts and the associated displacements pose more urgent risks to those rights.
Abstract
This scholarly article examines the intricate layers of social, economic, and political marginalisation experienced by the ‘Negede Weyto’ minority and elucidates its impacts on their psychological well-being. Employing a qualitative research approach, the study synthesised primary and secondary data sources. Primary data collection methods included in-depth interviews, informant interviews, and focus group discussions, complemented by meticulous analysis of relevant documents. The findings reveal that socially, the ‘Negede Weyto’ face marginalisation and restrictions in societal interactions, local associations, and religious events due to stereotyped and prejudiced perceptions. Economically, the minority group encounters challenges such as land eviction, limited opportunities, and exclusion from the job market, exacerbated by perceived educational and competence deficiencies. Politically, the ‘Negede Weytos’ are marginalised from local governance, with limited participation in elections and decision-making processes. Consequently, the ‘Negede Weyto’ minority experiences detrimental effects on their psychological well-being due to the cumulative impact of enduring marginalisation.
Abstract
The proposition of this article is that it is time to re-think Aboriginal self-determination. A process should be allowed to develop that is perhaps less grandiose than the failed Voice, which was rejected in October 2023, but more practical and reflective of Aboriginal social, linguistic, and cultural organisation. A process of self-determination that starts at the bottom and then, if necessary, works its way to the state and federal levels. The post-Voice world of Australia is uncertain. The rejection by public referendum of the Aboriginal Voice has left a void that will take a long time to fill. It is contended in the article that life after the Voice is best to be found by empowerment of local Aboriginal communities; by encouraging hundreds of local voices; by enabling those voices to become a keystone for local community affairs; and for those local Aboriginal voices to cooperate as advocates at the state and federal levels. It is suggested that a bottom-up, rather than a top-down model, would be consistent with Aboriginal social and cultural organisation, and ultimately would endow greater credibility and legitimacy for Aboriginal self-determination initiatives.
Abstract
Islam is the religion of a peace-oriented system that depends upon the duties and rights of its citizens. Any political system that fulfils the basic needs of its system lives longer than those systems that corrupt the rights of its citizens. Moreover, the soundness of any political system depends upon its provisions which govern and fulfil the basic spiritual and biological needs of human beings and its allowance for change. Aside from spiritual and moral aspects of the creed which are permanently established, Islam provides broad principles and frameworks in the area of worldly interactions which makes it possible for the Muslim community to evolve and meet the needs of every period. Its soundness lies in its protection of minorities and providing them with all basic facilities to grow up as sound human beings free from all sorts of discrimination.