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Conflict, Security, and Development, Second Edition
This anthology brings together studies of post-colonial, post-Cold War Central Eurasia. This part of the world is in transition from Soviet institutions to independent statehood, nation building, resistance against state expansion, cultural change and the release of market forces. The theoretical framework of the study is called ‘critical geo-politics.’ The objective of the work is to better comprehend the nature of the post-colonial ‘Great Game'. Part I studies US power projection activity in the region. America is extending its World War II trans-oceanic 'defense perimeter into the fossile fuel rich area between integrating Europe, recovering Russia and industrializing China. Part II details various aspects of state-nation building and soci-cultural and economic change in the region. Part III studies interactions between outsiders, neighbors and Central Asian Republics. Conflict and cooperation in the Caspian region is studied in part IV, with Aral Sea and Azerbijan as cases.

Revised edition of the book published under the same title in 2004 (ISBN 90 04 12809 3).
This book contains the thoughts of officials of international organizations and NGOs, member of judicial bodies, and academics on the role of international organizations and the settlement of contentious cases before international judicial bodies. The timely work will undoubtedly be of interest to practitioners and scholars who are involved in issues related to cases before international judicial bodies.



Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.
Law, Theory and Case Studies
This volume explores the extent to which frameworks of tradional neutrality might remain useful in modern contexts of peace and war, notwithstanding the technical prohibition of war in the Charter of the United Nations. Traditional neutrality constituted a system through which non-belligerent states could remain at peace with warring states, and thereby avoid attack and continue peacetime trading relations. The essays here collected deal with the rules of neutrality as they had developed and operated generally by the outbreak of World War 1, those variations in and alternatives to traditional neutrality which arose in the aftermath of World War 1, and particular aspects of the legacy of neutrality which continue to survive in the post-1945 era. It is argued that the operable rules of traditional neutrality foundered in the face of industrialized warfare, but that the retreat from the 'logic' of neutrality in the modern era has been premature.
The International IDEA Handbook on Democracy Assessment is a robust and sensitive guide to assessing the quality of democracy and human rights in any country around the world. The Handbook introduces an easy-to-use and universal methodology for assessing the condition of democracy in any country, or its progress in democratisation, that has been developed in a three-year action programme at IDEA, the inter-governmental Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance in Sweden.
The Handbook provides a means to measure systematically the full range of values, institutions and issues relating to modern democracy that is sensitive to the underlying principles and democracy and the differences between democracies themselves. It is therefore both universal in application and capable of responding to particular aspects of any one nation's democratic arrangements. The animating principle of the Handbook is that only citizens of a nation themselves are qualified to assess the quality of their own democratic arrangements. Thus, it provides a self-help guide, which gives academics, lawyers, political practitioners, journalists and interested citizens the tools to assess the state of their democracy, or any key aspects of their democracy.
The Handbook is above all a practical working document that draws on the actual experience of assessing democracy in different countries, comparative knowledge and research, and democratic principles and practice. It gives a step-by-step guide to the purposes and methods of democracy assessment; who to involve; how to use the research tools; how to validate the findings; what standards of practice to adopt; and how to present and publicise a finished assessment. It contains extracts from completed assessments, guidance on the use of qualitative and quantitative data, examples of codes of democratic practice and international and regional standards, and a vast list of accessible data sources.
The methodology was created by a team of political scientists assembled from all regions of the world by International IDEA and has been tried and tested in a variety of countries, including Bangladesh, El Salvador, Italy, Kenya, Malawi, New Zealand, Peru, South Korea and the United Kingdom. International organisations like the World Bank and UNECA are adapting it for in-country use. The four main authors and editors have been directly involved from the inception of the project - in developing and refining the methodology and participating in and advising on the nine country studies that form the essential practical core of experience on which this invaluable Handbook is based.
Debriefing and Lessons
In March 2000, the United Nations Secretary-General convened an international panel to conduct a major study on United Nations Peace Operations. Chaired by former Algerian Foreign Minister and current Under-Secretary-General, Lakhdar Brahimi, the Panel was tasked to conduct a wide-ranging study and analysis over lessons learned from past operations such as those in Rwanda and Somalia, as well as current missions in Kosovo, East Timor, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Panel looked at how peacekeeping missions could achieve greater efficiency and success in attaining the key objectives of maintaining peace and promoting reconciliation and reconstruction. It also reviewed the context within which peacekeeping missions took place, the resources and limitations of the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) specifically, and the modality, efficacy, and extent of assistance rendered by the `international community' within the framework of peacekeeping and peace-building in general.
The fifth in a series of conferences organised on lessons learnt from peacekeeping operations was held under the auspices of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR), the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) of Singapore and the Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA). Throughout two intense days in Singapore, in April 2001, an eminent group of academics, government officials, representatives of international organisations, representatives from ongoing UN Missions, and military scholars gathered behind closed doors to reflect upon the recommendations of the Brahimi Report and the obstacles to reform of peacekeeping.
This volume contains all the papers presented at that event. It also includes the Co-Chairs' Summary and Recommendations. The Report is a summary of the many animated debates that took place during the conference. Recommendations of the Co-Chairs have been drawn from the broad range of opinions and insights from the conference. The findings and reactions of the participants to the Brahimi Report should give policy-makers, researchers, and international affairs analysts a candid review and critique of past experiences that is essential to the comprehension of the failures of current peacekeeping and requirements for future success.
The reactivation of the Security Council at the beginning of the last decade has resulted, since the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq on August 2, l990, in increasing use of its powers under Chapter VII of the Charter and the adoption of measures against a number of state and non-state entities. The notion of a threat to the peace has now come to encompass violations of fundamental norms of international law such as human rights and humanitarian law, and the wide-ranging measures adopted have included such innovations as the establishment of the UN Compensation Commission or that of the two international criminal tribunals for Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.
These measures have not only infringed on the legal rights of the targeted state (sometimes with irreversible effects where they have remained in force over a long period of time) and its population, but also on those of implementing states and of private rights within these states.
The current debate over the legitimacy and long-term effects of economic sanctions on states and their populations makes it imperative to re-evaluate this instrument and the broader peace maintenance function of the Security Council in the light of current community concerns. Part One of this book addresses the theoretical issues by focussing on: 1) The place of sanctions in the international legal system; 2) the limits to the powers of the Security Council and the question of accountability; and 3) an assessment of the alternatives to collective economic sanctions. Part Two looks at the relationship between sanctions and humanitarian issues, examining the relationship between: 1) Sanctions and human rights law; 2) sanctions, humanitarian issues and mandates; and 3) sanctions and humanitarian law. Part Three focuses on implementation by states of Security Council sanctions resolutions by examining: 1) Sanctions and private rights; and 2) special problems for implementing states. Part Four addresses the future in reassessing the place and ethics of sanctions in an international legal system which is giving increased importance to the individual.
This work is based on papers presented at a colloquium of the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva.
The Montreal Protocol, which is based on the Vienna Ozone Convention, is known as one of the most successful environmental treaties in the history of international law. These treaties, together with non-binding instruments adopted by the MOP/COP, have gradually formed the so-called ‘ozone régime’ and have exerted a significant influence on the international legal order. The first edition of Professor Yoshida’s monograph, The International Legal Régime for the Protection of the Stratosphere Ozone Layer, published in 2001, provided a renowned and comprehensive contemporary study of the international ozone régime. In the second revised edition, the author provides a detailed analysis of the developments in the ozone régime after the adoption of the 1999 Beijing Amendments, including the operation of the Non-Compliance Procedure and the Kigali Amendment on a global phase-down of HFCs.
Each year, the Center for Oceans Law and Policy of the University of Virginia School of Law hosts a conference on a topical subject. The twenty-fourth meeting was co-sponsored by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), and held in March 2000 at its Rome headquarters. The conference, Current Fisheries Issues and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, featured two days of presentations from many of the world's formost experts on global fisheries. The published conference proceedings include papers by the Honorable Frank E. Loy, Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs, Department of State, USA; Rüdiger Wolfrum, Judge at the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea; and Gerald Moore, former Legal Counsel to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Topics discussed include recent developments and issues relating to the UN Fish Stocks Agreement, the Law of the Sea Convention, and the FAO Compliance Agreement. Illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing is also examined, as well as the International Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries and future directions in fisheries management. The papers present enlightened analyses of these important issues. Current Fisheries Issues and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations is a landmark collection of expert opinions, compiled through the cooperation of an academic institution and an international organization firmly dedicated to international fisheries law.
This volume is the up-to-date English version of the fifth Italian edition of a textbook on the United Nations which was first published in 1971 by CEDAM (Padua).
The book aims to provide a comprehensive legal analysis of problems concerning membership, the structure of U.N. organisations, their functions and their acts taking into consideration the text of the Charter, its historical origins, and, particularly, the practice of the organisations. Developments in United Nations practice subsequent to 1971 have obviously been taken into account. As a general working criterion, the more recent practice has been added to the pre-existing one, rather than substituting it, even when past practice may appear to be obsolete. Indeed one of the aims of the book is to trace the `story' of the United Nations from its birth precisely through an analysis of the practice. Moreover, since the Charter has never undergone any substantive modifications, one cannot exclude that what may appear to be old and obsolete today could become of current interest in the future. For this reason the examination of former practice will sooner or later become useful to anyone seeking to interpret the Charter.
For instance, in 1975 the United States proposed the admission of the two Vietnams, which were separate countries at that time, and of the two Koreas, under the `package' technique. Thus the well-known 1948 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the `package' proposed by the Soviet Union for collective admission in the 40s and 50s again became timely, despite its having appeared obsolete.
This legal analysis which is free of dogmatism and firmly linked to practice describes the role played by the United Nations in the past and at present better than many lengthy and inconclusive political or sociological studies. The book is very much focused on the Charter as it stands while it only marginally deals with reforms that might be introduced, such as those concerning the structure of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Indeed, it is difficult to foresee radical reforms, giving the UN an entirely new shape. This is particularly true with regard to endowing the Organisation with the force and efficacy that would be needed for the maintenance of peace and security. Recent events have clearly shown how unfeasible such an endowment would be.