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Coal, Jute and Cotton Industries, 1900-1947
Author:
This book is a pioneering study of the relationship between management and labour in three key industries, namely, coal, jute and cotton textile, in colonial India from 1900 to 1947. It studies history of labour and enterprise though a Marxian-Gramscian lens. The author builds a narrative of economic history, alongside he pens a social history of working class life. It is a rare blend of economic and social history and an indispensable tract to understand the history of capitalist industrialization and concomitant labour-management relations in colonial India within the broad framework of Marxism.
Coal, Jute and Cotton Industries, 1900-1947
Author:
This book is a pioneering study of the relationship between management and labour in three key industries, namely, coal, jute and cotton textile, in colonial India from 1900 to 1947. It studies history of labour and enterprise though a Marxian-Gramscian lens. The author builds a narrative of economic history, alongside he pens a social history of working class life. It is a rare blend of economic and social history and an indispensable tract to understand the history of capitalist industrialization and concomitant labour-management relations in colonial India within the broad framework of Marxism.
This book offers an interdisciplinary analysis of populism, authoritarianism, and hate speech, integrating theoretical debates with empirical case studies. It examines how populist movements can evolve into authoritarian regimes, exploring the manipulation of media and democratic institutions. The book includes global case studies, such as Turkey, Hungary, and Brazil, highlighting the role of media in spreading propaganda and hate speech. It also addresses the methodological challenges of studying these phenomena and emphasizes the need for multidisciplinary approaches. The book serves as a valuable resource for academics, policymakers, and activists confronting the rise of populism and authoritarianism.
Series:
Global Populisms, Volume: 6
This book offers an interdisciplinary analysis of populism, authoritarianism, and hate speech, integrating theoretical debates with empirical case studies. It examines how populist movements can evolve into authoritarian regimes, exploring the manipulation of media and democratic institutions. The book includes global case studies, such as Turkey, Hungary, and Brazil, highlighting the role of media in spreading propaganda and hate speech. It also addresses the methodological challenges of studying these phenomena and emphasizes the need for multidisciplinary approaches. The book serves as a valuable resource for academics, policymakers, and activists confronting the rise of populism and authoritarianism.
Theories, Methods, Pedagogies, and Praxes
While mobilizing the metaphor of ‘burning’, we remain ambiguous of the racial-geographical signifier of ‘Asian’. On one hand, ‘Asia’ as an idea emerged as a part of the colonial cartography of the world, divided subsequently into sub areas such as East Asia, South, Central and Western Asia. People from said geographies are treated as homogenous groups locatable by an index of skin colour, facial feature, culture, and language (Sakai, 2019). In this sense, the racialization of ‘Asia’ suggests the continuation of the racial-colonial-capitalist project of which Canada is an integral part. On the other, ‘Asia’ itself is diverse and heterogenous, fraught with internal tensions between ethnic groups and nation-states. It is perhaps only when ‘Asia-ness’ becomes a minoritarian experience that such diversity can potentially unify under the identity ‘Asian’. Even so, the uniformity is full of political, ethnic, gender, and economic divides. Therefore, we deploy Asian Canadian experiences not as a fixed referent by time and space, but as an ongoing engagement with the settler state and other racialized groups. In other words, we treat Asian Canadian as a process of encounter rather than a given ‘identity’ we are born into. ‘Asian Canadian’ might be at best a way of describing how people who either identify as Asians or come from Asian countries experience settler Canada’s state power, regulation, and governmentality, within a global capitalist system of exploitation and oppression. Depending on one’s immigration status, age, gender, sexuality, ability, and class, those perceived as ‘Asian’ might have completely different sets of experiences, identifications and affective relationships to settler Canada and their ‘places of origins’. Simultaneously, these differentiated social structures also mean that people identifying themselves as ‘Asians’ become complicit in the exploitation, marginalization and oppressions of other groups, as well as, simultaneously implicated in global racial capitalism, colonialism, anti-Indigenous racism, anti-Black racism, homo and transphobia, sexism and ableism. ‘Asian Canadian experiences,’ therefore, are best understood as relational, contradictory and becoming. This collection is concerned with moments and places of tensions, confrontations, relations, and solidarity. We offer no roadmap for liberation but stories of insurgent encounters as people who identify or become ‘Asian’ migrate, navigate, and implicate uneven global systems to make new dreams, histories and intimacies.
Theories, Methods, Pedagogies, and Praxes
While mobilizing the metaphor of ‘burning’, we remain ambiguous of the racial-geographical signifier of ‘Asian’. On one hand, ‘Asia’ as an idea emerged as a part of the colonial cartography of the world, divided subsequently into sub areas such as East Asia, South, Central and Western Asia. People from said geographies are treated as homogenous groups locatable by an index of skin colour, facial feature, culture, and language (Sakai, 2019). In this sense, the racialization of ‘Asia’ suggests the continuation of the racial-colonial-capitalist project of which Canada is an integral part. On the other, ‘Asia’ itself is diverse and heterogenous, fraught with internal tensions between ethnic groups and nation-states. It is perhaps only when ‘Asia-ness’ becomes a minoritarian experience that such diversity can potentially unify under the identity ‘Asian’. Even so, the uniformity is full of political, ethnic, gender, and economic divides. Therefore, we deploy Asian Canadian experiences not as a fixed referent by time and space, but as an ongoing engagement with the settler state and other racialized groups. In other words, we treat Asian Canadian as a process of encounter rather than a given ‘identity’ we are born into. ‘Asian Canadian’ might be at best a way of describing how people who either identify as Asians or come from Asian countries experience settler Canada’s state power, regulation, and governmentality, within a global capitalist system of exploitation and oppression. Depending on one’s immigration status, age, gender, sexuality, ability, and class, those perceived as ‘Asian’ might have completely different sets of experiences, identifications and affective relationships to settler Canada and their ‘places of origins’. Simultaneously, these differentiated social structures also mean that people identifying themselves as ‘Asians’ become complicit in the exploitation, marginalization and oppressions of other groups, as well as, simultaneously implicated in global racial capitalism, colonialism, anti-Indigenous racism, anti-Black racism, homo and transphobia, sexism and ableism. ‘Asian Canadian experiences,’ therefore, are best understood as relational, contradictory and becoming. This collection is concerned with moments and places of tensions, confrontations, relations, and solidarity. We offer no roadmap for liberation but stories of insurgent encounters as people who identify or become ‘Asian’ migrate, navigate, and implicate uneven global systems to make new dreams, histories and intimacies.
Local Councils and People’s Assemblies in Korea, 1567–1894
Author:
Translator:
Eugene Y. Park’s annotated translation of a long-awaited book by Kim Ingeol introduces Anglophone readers to a path-breaking scholarship on the widening social base of political actors who shaped “public opinion” (kongnon) in early modern Korea. Initially limited to high officials, the articulators of public opinion as the state and elites recognized grew in number to include mid-level civil officials, State Confucian College students, all Confucian literati (yurim), influential commoners who took over local councils (hyanghoe), and the general population. Marshaling evidence from a wealth of documents, Kim presents a compelling case for the indigenous origins of Korean democracy.