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Aspects of Foreign Relations, Politics, and Nationality, 1980-1999
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The breakup of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 had significant repercussions on Chinese politics, foreign policy, and other aspects. In this book, Jie Li examines the evolution of Chinese intellectual perceptions of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and 1990s, before and after the collapse.

Relying on a larger body of updated Chinese sources, Li re-evaluates many key issues in post-Mao Chinese Sovietology, arguing that the Chinese views on the Soviet Union had been influenced and shaped by the ups-and-downs of Sino-Soviet (and later Sino-Russian) relations, China’s domestic political climate, and the political developments in Moscow. By researching the country of the Soviet Union, Chinese Soviet-watchers did not focus on the USSR alone, but mostly attempted to confirm and legitimize the Chinese state policies of reform and open door in both decades. By examining the Soviet past, Chinese scholars not only demonstrated concern for the survival of the CCP regime, but also attempted to envision the future direction and position of China in the post-communist world.
In The Criminalization of Democratic Politics in the Global South, Zaffaroni, Caamaño and Vegh Weis offer an account of the misuse of the law to criminalize progressive political leaders in Latin America. Indeed, more and more popular political leaders in the region end up imprisoned or persecuted, even while in power. Inacio Lula da Silva, former President of Brazil and author of the preface, is the quintaessential case of this worrying process.

Despite the centrality of this juridical-political phenomenon in Latin America, it is hardly known to the Anglo-Saxon public. This book seeks to fill this gap. In an accessible style, the authors deconstruct the judicial language and the main problematics of lawfare, calling attention to the fact that it might end up demolishing the rule of law for the sake of fostering the most cruel forms of neoliberalism.
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The history of rivers crossing the borders of rival countries, such as East and West Germany, China and Russia, the United States and its neighbors, has much to teach about international watercourse management. In the first book written in English about international watercourses on the Korean Peninsula, Yeonghwan Chang uses a study of foreign cases to propose a wide range of specific strategies and projects for efficient use of shared rivers on the Korean Peninsula. These strategies may also provide useful guidance for future cooperative projects between South Korea and North Korea.
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China’s foreign investment legal regime encompasses domestic laws governing inward and outward investments, investment treaties and the Belt and Road Initiative. Can China’s foreign investment legal regime lead its two-way investments towards the country’s five development goals (building technological capacity, deepening integration into the global economy, promoting green development, protecting security, and participating in global economic governance and rule-making)? Yawen Zheng pioneers a systematic study of China’s foreign investment legal regime, finding that the regime has gradually made progress towards the development goals, but the effort is diluted by obstacles such as outdated treaties, conflicts with the West, and domestic political challenges.
Volume Editor:
Volume 39 of the Chinese (Taiwan) Yearbook of International Law and Affairs publishes scholarly articles and essays on international and transnational law, as well as compiles official documents on the state practice of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in 2021. The Yearbook publishes on multidisciplinary topics with a focus on international and transnational law issues regarding the Republic of China (Taiwan), Mainland China, and ASEAN.
Composed of original articles from academics and policy notes from practitioners, this book attempts to draw up the state of multilateralism through the UN model and identify potential ways to address its challenges and shortcomings. The contributors question the role of multilateralism, sometimes accused of being fragmented, inefficient and unrepresentative, and its impact on global governance, democracy, trade and investment, the environment, and human rights. Since most of the authors are not from the UN system, the content of the contributions provides an external and more neutral assessment of the UN’s ability to continue to function today as a serious actor within a global movement in favor of a renewed form of multilateralism.
Approaching the Global Competition and the Russian War against the West
Volume Editor:
By comparing the great-powers’ foreign policy, this book investigates the global competition and revisionist attempts to dismantle the Western liberal order. Since February 2022, the international system has been challenged by the Russian invasion in Ukraine and its profound, multiple consequences.Putin’s War has reinvented the West. But still, this is not “the end of history”. To illustrate that tensions between democratic and autocratic great powers are nowadays at their peak since the end of the Cold War, one should consider President Biden’s words in Warsaw, referring to President Putin: “For God’s sake, this man cannot remain in power!”
Series Editors: and
Will the twenty-first century be the Asian century? Will the People’s Republic of China (PRC) overtake the United States as the leading global superpower? Will an institutionalised Third Bloc emerge in international relations and challenge the transatlantic alliance that has dominated world politics for such a long time? While opinions on the details differ strongly, there seems to be a certain consensus that the East Asian region, roughly defined as Northeast Asia (Greater China, the two Koreas, Japan and the Russian Far East) plus Southeast Asia (the ten members states of ASEAN), will be globally significant in the years to come and see its role growing. Such a role includes almost all fields such as economics, science and technology, migration, culture, and international relations. These issues are interrelated and often overlap.

This series, therefore, takes as its main focus the field of international relations post-WWII that pertain to the region and in particular the question of collective security and related issues, including options for institutionalised mechanisms of a joint regional security policy. The need for such a focus has become increasingly obvious: shifts in the global balance of power, as well as a multitude of conflicts in the region, some old and unresolved, some new and emerging, actual or potential, call for ongoing detailed appraisal and sustainable solutions.

Author:
Buchmann analyses the work of UK, German, Danish and Swedish embassies in the USA and China on climate change in the late 2000s and early 2010s. She relates which coalitions and narratives embassies sought to develop to convince China and the United States that a more progressive climate policy was possible, to achieve gains supporting an agreement under the UNFCCC. This book shows that a key interpretation of climate diplomacy was selling/trade: Europe selling technology “solutions” to solve climate change. In this narrative, Europe has already done what needs to be done and outsourcing of production to China e.g. is ignored. In the USA, embassies entered coalitions with states, faith groups and the military, arguing that a more progressive climate policy was mandated by either God or security concerns. State politicians, including Democrats, often actually didn’t implement any climate policies. Any gains were reversed through climate denial lobbying funded by corporations. Embassies did not address this.