In the context of growing tensions in East Asia over territorial disputes and history issues, one can observe the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments among South Koreans in the early 2010s although many South Koreans had positive views on China a decade earlier. What affects South Korean attitude toward China? Despite China’s significance to South Korea, there have been surprisingly few scholarly works attempting to answer this question. Based on an empirical analysis of survey data, this paper finds that Koreans’ favorable attitude towards China is negatively affected by threat perception of China’s military buildup, opposition to an fta with China, and exclusive national identity but not by whether or not one feels threatened by the American unilateralism and Japan’s remilitarization. This finding suggests that South Koreans’ feeling toward China is primarily affected by bilateral relationship rather than by balancing behaviors in consideration of broader security environments.
This research studied the village regulation making process based on the Law No. 32/2004 and the relationships among head of village, administrators of Village Consultative Board (Badan Permusyawaratan Desa/bpd/bhp), and adat leaders in the village of Adat Saibatin community. The research was conducted in several villages of Cukuh Balak sub-district, Tanggamus district, Lampung province, Indonesia in 2012. The data were collected by employing interview and observation. The results of this study showed that the regulation making process in the village of Adat Saibatin community did not have clear stages to which the regulations were made unilaterally by the head of the village himself/herself. The adat leaders’ participation as community leaders in the villages almost disappeared and unstated in the regulations. Furthermore, Village Consultative Board was also in a weak position due to the absence of deliberation and agreement as the core principle known as the villages’ law in the process of making the regulations.
Scholars implicitly assume that the conceptual models of fear of crime found in the Western literature are also applicable to populations that have different cultural and ethnic backgrounds. To investigate whether such an assumption is legitimate, the current study analyzed survey data from samples of Korean immigrants in the Detroit metropolitan area and native Koreans in Seoul, South Korea. The result indicated a higher level of fear among native Koreans than Korean immigrants. The presented subgroup analyses revealed that perceived incivility, confidence in the police, and ethnic attachment were significant predictors of fear of crime among Korean immigrants, while gender, vicarious victimization, and perceived crime increase in the neighborhood were significant among native Koreans. Based on these findings, we offer implications for future research.
Chenyang Li’s new book, The Philosophy of Confucian Harmony, has been heralded as the first book-length exposition of the concept of harmony in the approximately 3,000 year old Confucian tradition. It provides a systematic analysis of Confucian harmony and defence of its relevance for contemporary moral and political thought. In this philosophical discussion of Li’s book, I expound its central claims, contextualize them relative to other work in English-speaking Confucian thought, and critically reflect on them, particularly in light of a conception of harmony that is salient in the sub-Saharan African tradition. Hence, this article aims to continue the nascent dialogue between indigenous Chinese and African philosophical traditions that has only just begun.
Engaging in dialogue with African philosophy, I respond to questions raised by Thaddeus Metz on characteristics of Confucian philosophy in comparison with African philosophy. First, in both Confucian philosophy and African philosophy, harmony/harmonization and self-realization coincide in the process of person-making. Second, Confucians accept that sometimes it is inevitable to sacrifice individual components in order to achieve or maintain harmony at large scales; the point is how to minimize such costs. Third, Confucians give family love a central place in the good life before extend love to the rest of the world. Fourth, the Confucian philosophy of gender equality is based on appropriate division of labor consistent with its yin-yang philosophy, rather than equal split of power in the family. Fifth, in the Confucian view, hierarchy and harmony do not necessarily contradict each other, though hierarchy is not essential to all forms of harmony. The two can co-exist.
To what extent has politics in Uganda changed since the era of egregious human rights abuses under General Idi Amin? Using the new book on law and politics in Uganda under Museveni referenced below as focal point, this essay answers that question in a discussion that also sketches three themes, testimony to the plasticity of the human rights doctrine, including the expanding boundaries of human rights in (East) Africa.