The government’s delivery of public services through non-profit organizations (npos) has become a hot subject of current research about npos. Because of neglecting the fact that Chinese npos feature a pluralistic structure and they organize activities at multiple administrative levels, the explanation framework of pluralism and corporatism greatly simplifies the complexity of the Chinese society. Through the matrix of four dimensions, i.e., competition, non-competition, high organizational legitimacy and low organizational legitimacy, we may find that some cases are similar to pluralistic buying. And other cases are similar to corporatist buying. The reason why pluralism and corporatism are not sufficient to explain the current practice of service procurement in China is that both theories are based on Western liberalism. In whichever way services may be procured in the future, we must be on high alert in particularistic trading currently between the government and npos in the procurement of services.
Since July 2011, when the cpc Central Committee and the State Council issued the “Proposals for Reinforcing Social Management Innovation,” gridding management, as an experiment that began as early as 2004 and as the core content of the innovative social management framework, is gaining increasing attention from the international community and the academia. Based on Mary Douglas’ grid-group theory and my own field surveys, this paper examines four distinct cases comparatively, including the 50-year-old Fengqiao Experience which was recently highlighted by President Xi Jinping and the earliest gridding model of Beijing’s Dongcheng District, concluding that the gridding development process highlighted the need for maintenance of political stability in and after 2011. Since then, the mass line or social management innovation tilted towards a surveillance society characterized by institutionalized control.
Chinese social organizations are influenced by a variety of factors, including their relatively short history of development, the complex environment in which they grow, and their daunting mission of innovation. Viewing them from different perspectives leads to different conclusions. This paper examines the legal status of social organizations, exploring what they ought to be, could be, and are not. It finds that today, Chinese social organizations already have a certain capacity for behaving autonomously, the capacity for endorsement, and the capacity for public service. At the same time, there are imbalances in the development of the capacities of different types of social organizations. To build social organizations, there should be a full range of diagnostics regarding their capacities, relevant legal guidelines, concentration of resources to optimize their capacity structures, enlargement of their capacity reserves, and the endeavor to propel social organizations to play a greater role in social development and social management.
Studies on mass protests primarily examine the process, consequences and implications of protests from such angles as resource mobilization, political structure and opportunity, as well as policy frameworks, with little attention paid to the guiding role that related government policy have in dealing with mass protests. This paper analyzes the basic characters of government policies, further explains the basic logic behind their design, and takes the response to the Wukan incident as a typical case for confirmatory analysis. The study find that policy elements such as policy purpose, target groups, policy tools and executive bodies have remarkable underlying assumptions about effectiveness. If some assumptions fail to occur, policy failure is likely to appear. Therefore, in face of varying circumstances, it is recommended that policy design attach importance to elements about social construction, and adopt an open, interactive model which involves protesters in policy design.