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Buddhist and Śaiva Interactions in the Kali Age

The Śivadharmaśāstra as a Source of the Kāraṇḍavyūhasūtra

Peter C. Bisschop


In a much-discussed passage of the Kāraṇḍavyūhasūtra it is taught that Avalokiteśvara produced Maheśvara from his forehead. Maheśvara is introduced as a representative of the degenerative Kali age. In this connection, the Kāraṇḍavyūha quotes a doctrinal verse about the worship of the liṅga, which for a long time has been mistakenly attributed to ‘the Skandapurāṇa’, but whose source can now be identified in the Śivadharmaśāstra. After a comparative discussion of this verse in both texts, the article considers the possible broader implications of this quotation, in particular in relation to the question of the origin of the six-syllabled mantra oṃ maṇipadme hūṃ and its Śaiva counterpart oṃ namaḥ śivāya. The article concludes with some observations on distinctive features that characterise Śaiva versus Vaiṣṇava interactions with Buddhism.

Jianhong ZENG, Christoph ANDERL and Ann HEIRMAN


This paper aims to explain the formation of the and kě yǐ constructions in archaic Chinese. We analyze a number of examples from the pre-Qin era to refute previous hypotheses that the construction is formed by adding to a notional passive, fronting the object in an active sentence including , or solely by reanalysis. Subsequently, a verb-moving-backward hypothesis is proposed: is used in the underlying structure ‘V-O’ + to comment on an already known proposition ‘V-O’, then V is moved to the end to avoid the top-heavy problem. Similarly, this hypothesis also accounts for the kě yǐ construction: in the underlying structure ‘-X-V-Y’ + is to comment on the serial verb structure ‘-X-V-Y’, which is interchangeable with ‘X--V-Y’ forming ‘X--V-Y’ + where ‘-V-Y’ is moved after to avoid the top-heavy problem. Moreover, the “verb moving backward” hypothesis provides new insights into the formation process of similar constructions (e.g., nán 难 ‘be difficult to V,’ 易 ‘be easy to V,’ 足 ‘be sufficient to V’ constructions) in ancient Chinese, as well as the study of tough constructions.

In Memoriam

Viviane Alleton (1930–2018)


Jiyoung CHOI


This paper aims to investigate the lexical meaning of so-called inchoative states (INSs) in Korean that do not fit into Vendler (1967)’s aspectual classification, in that they show properties of both atelic (states) and telic (change-of-state) predicates. Building on Bar-el (2005), this paper proposes that INSs in Korean are semantically complex predicates describing a sequence of two events, one that is a change-of-state an achievement would describe, immediately followed by a second that is an eventuality a typical state would describe. This paper also provides an analysis of INSs accounting for their temporal properties.

An Opaque Pun

Tentative Notes on Kāśyapaparivarta § 68

Ruixuan Chen


Various interpretations of Kāśyapaparivarta § 68 have been attempted in the Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda tradition. This passage, which consists in a simile likening a magician devoured by his own creation to a monk involved in meditation practice, appears prima facie absurd, insofar as the similarity between the tenor and the vehicle is not readily apparent. This article mainly consists of two parts: The first part examines the received interpretations of the simile and reconstructs their interrelationship from a historical perspective. The second part explores the literary dimension of the simile and argues that its ostensible absurdity is rooted in a pun which is visible only in Middle Indo-Aryan and seems to serve no purpose. Coming to terms with the opaque and pointless pun, this essay is aimed at a new interpretation of Kāśyapaparivarta § 68 and, it is hoped, a deeper understanding of the literary playfulness inherent in the making of the Kāśyapaparivarta as a so-called early Mahāyāna sūtra against the backdrop of the Sanskritization of Buddhist sūtra literature.

O. v. Hinüber


From the very beginning the Buddhist order was dependent on donations, which were attractive for laypeople because of the merit thus accumulated. Therefore, names of donors were carefully documented in both, inscriptions, and, as soon as manuscripts are extant, also in colophons. Sometimes joint donations were made by families, whose members are named, under lucky circumstances even with an indication of their mutual relation such as parents, brothers, sisters etc. as participating in the merit made. This allows occasionally glimpses of the composition of average families and estimating their approximate seize in the ancient Indian cultural area. Hardly anything is known otherwise about this facet of Indian social history.

The development of QIE 且 in Medieval Chinese

From temporal adverb to polite imperative marker

Yezi Mu


In Medieval Chinese, a new function of QIE as a marker of polite imperative started to appear, and its use gradually increased in frequency until the late Old Mandarin era. This paper proposes a possible path for the development of this function of QIE in Medieval Chinese, and suggests that it might have evolved from its use for transient situations with hortative modality. Moreover, contact with Indic languages via the translation of Buddhist texts in the Medieval Chinese era also seems to have facilitated the development of QIE from a temporal adverb to a marker of polite imperative.

Baiyao Zuo


Les marques négatives redondantes apparaissent dans des structures propositionnelles et des expressions adjectivales et adverbiales en chinois. Bien qu’ elles soient étudiées depuis longtemps, les différences de leurs natures n’ ont pas été indiquées par les recherches antérieures. Cet article a analysé les productions des structures propositionnelles, comme chàdiǎn méi … (差点没 … « s’ en falloir de peu que NEG »), et des expressions adjectivales ou adverbiales hǎo bù (好不 « très NEG ») + Adj et búyào tài (不要太 « NEG très ») + Adj. A travers cette analyse, trois mécanismes différents de production, à savoir l’ intégration conceptuelle des constructions, l’ ironie (la négation métaconceptuelle) et la négation métalinguistique, ont été trouvés pour expliquer les différentes natures des marques négatives redondantes.

Linguistic evidence for a closer relationship between Lhokpu and Dhimal

Including some remarks on the Dhimalish subgroup

Selin Grollmann and Pascal Gerber


Lhokpu is a hitherto undescribed and unclassified Trans-Himalayan language spoken by some 2,500 speakers in southwestern Bhutan. Fieldwork in 2015 now enables linguistic research on the language, including accounts on its phylogenetic position within the language family. This paper presents morphological, lexical, and phonological evidence for a closer phylogenetic relationship between Lhokpu and Dhimal (southeastern Nepal). Dhimal is conventionally grouped together with Toto under “Dhimalish.” We argue in this paper that the similarities between Lhokpu and Dhimal are equally profound and numerous, and that Lhokpu, Dhimal, and Toto are three closely related languages within the Trans-Himalayan family.