The number of non-governmental organizations in Egypt continued to grow before 2011. The middle class became the main participants in the political movement against Mubarak regime in 2011. However, it could not be attributed to the mobilization by non-governmental organizations. Based on regression analysis results of the questionnaire survey conducted by Arab Barometer in 2011, NGOs’ mobilization of their middle-class members was almost ineffective. As for the underclass, only the charitable organizations had a strong mobilization effect. From the two aspects of consensus mobilization and action mobilization, the paper explains the reasons why non-governmental organizations failed to mobilize their middle-class members and the specific mechanism for charitable organizations to mobilize their underclass members. Egypt’s experience shows that NGOs do not necessarily act as the main driving force of political resistance, which depends on NGOs’ capability of mobilizing their members for consensus and action, and for different social classes, the mobilization effects show great differences.
In recent years, social enterprises in Taiwan have experienced a period of growth and are becoming more diversified. At the same time, the government is paying more attention to fostering a policy-friendly environment for their development. Despite growing interest in social enterprises, research on this phenomenon remains limited in Taiwan. Using a cross-sectoral perspective, this study is based on qualitative data from in-depth interviews on social enterprises. There are three main findings, first, the development of Taiwan’s social enterprise policy is deeply affected by different sectors. Second, the roles of the sectors are distinct and there is frequent cross-sectoral cooperation. Third, there is still a gap between the government sector’s and other sectors’ views of the social enterprise policy.
In Western countries, the grassroots NGO coalition plays a significant role in promoting the public expression of vulnerable communities. Grassroots NGO coalition has gradually become the leading actor of national policy advocacy by resources and scale of community members. However, China’s grassroots NGOs coalition face many restrictions regarding organizational resources and political opportunities structure. Firstly, the grassroots NGOs relatively lack professionalism, funding, and other critical organizational resources. Secondly, the grassroots NGOs themselves and their coalition have difficulty obtaining legal status and have no institutional channels for policy expression. This unfavorable situation requires them to innovate ‘alternative’ strategies for public expression. The article finds that the grassroots NGO coalition of vulnerable communities has built up the political legitimacy of advocacy action by absorbing powerful social and political elites. It has also cooperated with international NGO to make up for the lack of internal and external resources, which also can expand the social impact and public attention on policy advocacy. Then, the grassroots NGO coalition selects the existing institutional channel for individuals as an intermediary to contacting government officials, submitting policy proposals. Meanwhile, the grassroots NGO coalition adopts professional elites to build the professionalism and social legitimacy of proposals. National policy advocacy also expands the political opportunities structure of local advocacy by promoting local citizens and grassroots NGOs to conduct social surveys, providing policy templates, and communicating with daily virtual communities. The changing structure offers the possibility for continuous advocacy action.
This article studies the community’s inappropriate volunteer structure. An examination of the questionnaire of a community in Beijing shows the youth are indeed absent from the voluntary service of their community, but it is not because the youth lack the will or motivation to join in the voluntary service. Actually, it is closely related to the insufficient supply of the voluntary service in the community, which is mainly attributable to the bureaucratization of the community committee. Under the precondition of keeping the current social management system unchanged, to spur more youth on to join in the volunteer team of their community has to rely on upgrading related social techniques to enhance the community’s voluntary service supply capability.
The article proposes the triple-agent model of Chaoshan charitable temples’ operation, which is characterized by the interactive relationship between charitable undertakings and folk belief and belief economy. First, folk belief including the belief in Master Dafeng and related religious concepts can inspire believers’ charity motives and urge them to participate in charitable undertakings. The charity motives of believers are mostly self-interested or altruistic self-interested. Second, charitable undertakings, in turn, can “euphemize” and “legitimate” folk belief. XY Charitable Temple highlights to the outside world its charitable undertakings and the charitable meaning of its folk belief to euphemize the religious meaning of its folk belief and thus to maintain its political legitimacy. Finally, the development of belief economy provides operating funds for charitable undertakings. Belief economy is composed of charitable temple economy, deity economy and folklore economy, and they all have important folk belief elements. In addition, the income from folklore service features XY Charitable Temple’s revenue, from which the strategy of “religious governance” of charitable temples’ operation can be observed.
As Chinese NGOs are trying to go abroad under the Belt and Road Initiative, understanding the existing niche, discourse, and paradigm of the mainstream transnational NGOs in current international development aid system is crucial for Chinese NGOs to adapt and develop their own identity on value and norms. Based on key researchers’ observations, historical facts and statistics, this research examines the mainstream NGOs’ evolution in organization, action and discourse embedded in the macro-history of transnational NGOs and transformation of the international development aid system; it sums up the transformation around three macroscopic relations to understand and evaluate the action paradigm and discourse of the contemporary mainstream NGOs in transnational development, namely, around “Transnational NGO-State” relations a change from the private sphere to the public sphere, around “North-South” relations a shift from one-way aid to equal cooperation, and on “NGO-Society” relations an evolvement from voluntarism to professionalism. In the end the article points out the difference between Chinese NGOs and those of the developed countries in terms of the origin, timing, goal and discourse and specifies five basic questions China must face in its identity building.
It has been attracting growing attention of all sectors of society to support social enterprises with social investment. This article focuses on the four much-discussed funding strategies of venture philanthropy, social impact investment, social impact bonds and crowdfunding. For the research, a total of 186 questionnaires were distributed and 92 of them were returned and found valid, with the rate of recovery standing at 49.5%. It is found that among the four strategies, the more heard of, the clearer, but that a strategy is clear does not mean it is readily accepted by the people; and among the companies with the registered name including the wording of social enterprise and those logging in as social enterprises, there is no significant statistical difference in the funding strategy. The result manifests the social enterprises in Taiwan are in the start-up stage, and goes in line with this article’s observation of the funding strategies, i.e., the funding strategy of the social enterprise has a lot to do with its life cycle. On this account, this article holds that we should pay attention to the life cycle of the social enterprises, adopt appropriate funding strategies based on their development stage and build sustainable business modes.
In the transformation of the Chinese society, the production and continuity of the publicness of social organizations affect the process and direction of social publicness. It is found out in this article through the review of relevant literature at home abroad that about the concept formulation of the publicness of social organizations the academic community has two directions: “what is” and “what ought to be.” The concepts of the publicness of social organizations are mainly classified according to social practices and political discourses. The production modes of the publicness of social organization mainly include the endogenous type and the exogenous type. Scholars believe that the alienation, incompleteness and contradiction in the publicness of social organizations are the main current crises and challenges, which are mainly attributed to the internal and external environments of social organizations. Therefore, scholars have put forward paths for fostering the publicness reproduction of social organizations. Based on the perspectives of different disciplines such as politics and sociology, researchers have adopted different approaches and methods. In the future, more efforts should be made to study the publicness of social organizations in elaborating research topics, deepening theoretical research, promoting qualitative research, and strengthening quantitative research.
With continuous expansion of cities, the contradiction between the limited government resources and residents’ diverse needs grows increasingly prominent and the urban government at the primary level faces mounting pressure. It has become an important attempt to address the tough issues of the community and reduce the government pressure to incubate and foster community organizations which help the residents to achieve self-organization, self-management and self-satisfaction. Over recent years, the practice across the country reveals various problems in the fostering of community organizations, like the difficulties in fostering them, the poor sustainability and being more in name than in reality. The article conducts a case study of the success of Community Y in Beijing to illustrate its experiences in fostering community organizations and presents the path for the fostering of such organizations. Proceeding from the residents’ needs, it makes the community organizations into responsible subjects, increases its capacity for resource allocation and thus achieves the objective of democratic governance of the organization.
Social think tanks play an irreplaceable role in the field of public governance because of their unique objective perspectives and expertise. But there has disproportionately inadequate research into social think tanks. At present, researches and explorations concerning social think tanks are largely mixed with studies on “think tanks,” and there are still no institutes, groups or periodicals which work specifically as platforms through which social think tanks are evaluated, monitored and supported. To effectively address such problems as the direction, methodology, priorities and points of penetration for research on social think tanks, it is necessary to have a comprehensive, systematic understanding of present researches into social think tanks. By conducting searches in the CNKI database, 224 articles were chosen for statistical analysis in seven respects, namely, year of publication, author, organization with which the author works, theme, citation, concentration of research, and journal involved. Based on analysis findings, this paper suggests building a platform by which to evaluate and monitor researches on social think tanks, establishing an echelon-based model of professional training for social think tanks, stepping up development of social think tanks in western China or the remote and poor parts of the country, optimizing mechanisms for the transformation and application of research outcomes of social think tanks, increasing support to weak fields of research on social think tanks, and conducting research into major and difficult problems confronting social think tanks.