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Protection, development, progress: this is the trilogy of promises carried by the international framework for protecting young people. Based on the analysis of the unicef Unfairy Tales project videos, this article aims to unveil the fierce battle over the meaning of children for the international arena. Specifically, how the compelling claim for an international responsibility to protect children contains a promise of a progressive future to global politics. The focus is on the discursive manoeuvres that articulate the so called ‘children on the move’ as the epitome of vulnerability, positioning them as requiring protection; and, at the same time, as the image of a future at risk, threatened by violence and the prospects of an uncivilised becoming. We intend to discuss how this ambivalent understanding of childhood might produce limits to contemporary application of child protection practices.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect

Whether in the rhetorical strategies of the campaign to ban landlines, appeals for famine relief, or the present historical apex of mass refugee migration, deployed images of abject childhood are central to the visual economies of humanitarian crisis. As the quintessential innocents deemed in need of protection, children are constructed outside of meaningful subjecthood and objectified as the evocative ‘scenery’ of the politics of protection. As such, children’s place in these visual economies together with their relative voicelessness are particularly revealing of how the concept of protection is beset by a paradox it cannot resolve: simultaneously imperative in consequence of diminished political subjecthood and itself demeaning of that same subjecthood. Tracing the problematique of children’s agency and subjecthood through the un Convention on the Rights of the Child and applicable aspects of legal regimes in Canada both beholden to the Convention and charged with care and protection of children, this article offers insights relevant to but perhaps less immediately apparent in the context of the R2P regarding the tricky and fraught intersections of childhood, subjecthood, and protection.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect
A Commentary
The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities: A Commentary, edited by Rainer Hofmann, Tove H. Malloy and Detlev Rein, presents an updated article-by-article assessment of the monitoring of the Convention’s implementation. The Convention was opened for signature in 1995 and entered into force on 1 February 1998. Within a very short period of time, it was ratified by 39 Council of Europe member states, and it constitutes the first (and only) international treaty establishing legally binding obligations concerning the rights of persons belonging to national minorities. In this volume, the monitoring of the Convention is assessed by eminent experts in the field of minority protection. They survey the scope of application as interpreted by the Advisory Committee during the first four cycles of monitoring by analyzing its approach and offering their individual assessments of potential improvements. The volume thus updates and augments previous assessments.
Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards, and Gender Equity, 1919 to Present
What is the place of women in global labour policies? Women’s ILO: Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards, and Gender Equity, 1919 to Present gathers new research on a century of ILO engagement with women’s work. It asks: what was the role of women’s networks in shaping ILO policies and what were the gendered meanings of international labour law in a world of uneven and unequal development? Women’s ILO explores issues like equal remuneration, home-based labour, and social welfare internationally and in places such as Argentina, Italy, and Ghana. It scrutinizes the impact of both power relations and global feminisms on the making of global labour policies in a world shaped by colonialism, the Cold War and post-colonial inequality. It further charts the disparate advancement of gender equity, highlighting the significant role of women experts and activists in the process.

Contributors are: Paula Lucía Aguilar, Lucia Artner, Eloisa Betti, Chris Bonner, Eileen Boris, Akua O. Britwum, Dorothy Sue Cobble, Dorothea Hoehtker, Pat Horn, Sonya Michel, Silke Neunsinger, Renana Jhabvala, Marieke Louis, Yevette Richards, Mahua Sarkar, Kirsten Scheiwe, Françoise Thébaud, Susan Zimmermann

“This is a must-read volume for scholars and students interested in women, labor and international/transnational history.” – Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, University of California, Irvine, USA
“This fascinating collection of essays assesses the ILO’s role in securing social justice for women workers around the world and asks how that role might change as the world of work is transformed in the next century.” — Celia Donert, University of Liverpool
“This exciting collection provides a long-overdue state of the art on gender politics and the ILO. It will no doubt be the work of reference on the topic for years to come.” – Elisabeth Prügl, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva
In 1999, the Alliance mistakenly bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Around the same period, allegations were made regarding its involvement in human trafficking and forced prostitution in Bosnia-Herzegovina. A decade later, NATO airplanes hit a fuel truck causing significant civilian casualties in Kunduz, Afghanistan.
After more than 60 years of existence and a track-record of more than 30 missions performed worldwide, it is surprising that there is still uncertainty on the scope and content of NATO’s responsibility for wrongful conduct during its military operations.
This timely book deals with the international responsibility of NATO during military operations. It examines, the status of the Alliance, the existence of international obligations and conditions of attribution of conduct in NATO.
Between Normative Flexibility and Institutional Rigidity
In The Requirement of Consultation with Indigenous Peoples in the ILO, María Victoria Cabrera Ormaza examines the law-making and interpretive practice of the International Labour Organization (ILO) relating to indigenous peoples with a particular focus on the consultation requirement established by Article 6 of ILO Convention No. 169. Taking into account both the mandate and institutional characteristics of the ILO, the author explains how the ILO understands the notion of consultation with indigenous peoples and outlines the flaws in its approach. Through a comprehensive analysis of state practice and human rights jurisprudence concerning indigenous peoples, the author explores the normative impact of ILO Convention No. 169, while revisiting the ILO’s potential to help harmonize different interpretations of the consultation requirement.

As Kenyans went to the polls on 8 August, protests over the results brought back memories of the disputed election 10 years prior. While the level of violence and contestation did not reach the same magnitude as a decade ago, recent events have illuminated the tentative nature of the peace that was established in the aftermath of the 2007–08 post-election crisis. While there is no doubt that the Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation (kndr) process was essential in averting further bloodshed in Kenya – what is often overlooked are the significant costs associated with the 2008 agreements. By prioritising stability over democracy, enabling impunity over accountability, and addressing the symptoms of violence as opposed to more proximate causes, the kndr process left many of the issues that facilitated the 2007 unrest unresolved. Consequently, the underlying causes of instability in Kenya remain.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect
In: Global Responsibility to Protect

This article addresses how resettlement can serve as a method for discharging the international community’s Responsibility to Protect (r2p) populations from mass atrocity, particularly in cases like Syria where the lack of consensus on the un Security Council has prevented an effective response in terms of diplomatic, humanitarian or military means for protecting the Syrian population from mass atrocities. The academic literature considers the link between r2p and refugee protection, but it is too focused on asylum, and it relies on normative arguments that fail to engage state interests. This article aims to explore the theoretical divide between r2p’s scholars, states, and civil society in terms of how each envisions the link between r2p and refugee protection. The article explores resettlement as a mechanism for rectifying these different interests in order to engage advocacy around r2p, thereby preserving its normative future and increasing protection of those fleeing mass atrocities.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect

Since the adoption of the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (r2p) in 2005, proponents and critics alike have accepted that it has not brought about a consistent and effective response to mass atrocity crimes. The incapacity that the Security Council exhibits in addressing the Syrian conflict provides a compelling justification for the need to examine alternative mechanisms through which the principles of the doctrine can be implemented. This paper argues that regional organisations should be considered legitimate authorising mechanisms in place of the Security Council in implementing r2p. The use of regional institutions as authorising mechanisms has not been properly considered or rigorously defended. In the paper, I make a case for regional organisations in authorising international action during mass atrocity situations by first establishing the legitimacy of regional organisations to act in response to local disputes. I propose and defend four arguments that provide justification and establish the utility of regional arrangements as alternative authorising mechanisms. I also examine and respond to three key objections that can be made against regional organisations. Finally, I outline a set of criteria that should determine which regional organisations are considered legitimate actors during mass atrocity situations.

In: Global Responsibility to Protect