Democracy and Electoral Politics in Zambia aims to comprehend the current dynamics of Zambia’s democracy and to understand what was specific about the 2015/2016 election experience. While elections have been central to understanding Zambian politics over the last decade, the coverage they have received in the academic literature has been sparse. This book aims to fill that gap and give a more holistic account of contemporary Zambian electoral dynamics, by providing innovative analysis of political parties, mobilization methods, the constitutional framework, the motivations behind voters’ choices and the adjudication of electoral disputes by the judiciary. This book draws on insights and interviews, public opinion data and innovative surveys that aim to tell a rich and nuanced story about Zambia’s recent electoral history from a variety of disciplinary approaches.
Contributors include: Tinenenji Banda, Nicole Beardsworth, John Bwalya, Privilege Haang’andu, Erin Hern, Marja Hinfelaar, Dae Un Hong, O’Brien Kaaba, Robby Kapesa, Chanda Mfula, Jotham Momba, Biggie Joe Ndambwa, Muna Ndulo, Jeremy Seekings, Hangala Siachiwena, Sishuwa Sishuwa, Owen Sichone, Aaron Siwale, Michael Wahman.
A Grammar of Makary Kotoko, Sean Allison provides a thorough description and analysis of Makary Kotoko - a Central Chadic language of Cameroon, framing the discussion within R.M.W. Dixon’s (2010a, 2010b, 2012) Basic Linguistic Theory. Working with an extensive corpus of recorded texts supplemented by interactions with native speakers of the language, the author provides the first full grammar of a Kotoko language. The detailed analysis of the phonology, morphology, syntax, and discourse features of Makary Kotoko is from a functional/typological perspective. Being based on a large number of oral texts, the analysis provides an example-rich description showing the range of variation of the constructions presented while giving insights into Kotoko culture.
Mulatto · Outlaw · Pilgrim · Priest, John K. Moore, Jr. presents the first in-depth study, critical edition, and scholarly translation of
His Majesty’s Representative v. José Soller, Mulatto Pilgrim, for Impersonating a Priest and Other Crimes. This legal case dates to the waning days of the Hapsburg Spanish empire and illuminates the discrimination those of black-African ancestry could face—that Soller did face while attempting to pass freely on his pilgrimage from Lisbon to Santiago de Compostela and beyond.
This bilingual edition and study of the criminal trial against Soller is important for reconstructing his journey and for revealing at least in part the de facto and de jure treatment of mulattos in the early-modern Iberian Atlantic World.
The main objective of this paper is to examine the position of Africa in the global division of labor in the era of globalization by deconstructing the assumptions, institutions and tools that buttress the North-South and the South-South relations in general and by using the aid, trade and investment regimes in particular. The paper argues that Africa has been integrated in the global economy at least since the middle of the 19th century with the colonization of the continent, albeit in a different form and intensity, but it has been located at the bottom of the hierarchy of the integration ladder playing a marginal role mainly on account of two reasons – firstly, its development destiny has been dictated from afar by its old (Global North, like Europeans) and also by the emerging (Global South, like China and India) external powers, as each of them tried to fulfill their national interests; and secondly, it has been following protectionist and unwelcoming economic policies internally. The net effect of the external pressure on Africa is nothing, but the emergence of an asymmetrical economic relationship between Africa and that of the old and the new powers. Accordingly, at present, the continent is suffering from the multiple byproducts of economic globalization like low prices for its primary products, infant manufacturing and industrialization, limited and constrained market access, huge debt burden, and economic and political conditionality.
This study is intended to examine the mediating role of citizens’ overall satisfaction on the relationship between good governance practices and public trust in Ethiopian local government. It is based on quantitative research; data was obtained by distributing a survey questionnaire for 440 respondents. The usable questionnaires response rate was 81 percent (n = 357). The study was informed by the institutional theory of trust. The data was then analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling (sem). The study findings indicated that citizens’ overall satisfaction had a full mediating role on the relationship between perceived transparency and public trust in local government. However, citizens’ overall satisfaction partially mediates the relationship between perceived accountability, perceived responsiveness, perceived public participation, and public trust in local government. It was further noted that citizens’ overall satisfactions have had no mediating role on the relationship between perceived rule of law and public trust in local government. This meant that the perceived rule of law has a direct relation with public trust in local government.
This article traces the impact of superpowers’ foreign aid on India and Pakistan during the early decades of the Cold War. It shows how the American policy-makers have drawn their initial strategies to bring India under the Western fold and later, when the Indian leadership resisted by adopting the foreign policy non-alignment, charted a new approach to keep it at an adequate distance from the Soviet influence—particularly by exploiting its food insecurity and inability to complete the five-year plans. In contrast, the Soviet Union extended project-aid to India which assisted it to build much required large industrial base and attain self-sufficiency in the long run. By adhering to the non-aligned doctrine, India not only managed a negotiable balance with the superpower politics but also extracted considerable benefits for its overall development. On the other hand, aligned Pakistan had shown least enthusiasm with regard to self-sufficiency and pursued policies imbued with militarism which ended up it as a rent-seeking dependent state.
Birsa Munda, Adivasi leader (Indigenous people) led a rebellion at the end of the 19th century against the dikus (outsiders) popularly known as Birsa Ulgulan (tumult, rebellion). The movement targeted British officials, zamindars, and missionaries. One of the immediate effects of the movement emerged in the form of protectionary legislation (Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act) and later played an influential role in the making of Jharkhand. In the contemporary social and political landscape, the presence of Birsa Munda in the form of the built environment such as statue is indelible and offers an exciting opportunity to understand the new aesthetic turn. In particular, the author investigates two statues in Jharkhand. These statues that function as “sites of memory” play a significant role in political mobilisation and vote-bank politics. It also offers a possibility to understand the relationship between the state, elites and subalterns. The paper builds upon ethnographic materials collected during the fieldwork and devices a conceptual tool of “material-memory” to offer the specific role of Birsa’s memory as medium of doing memory politics.
Given the reality of power asymmetries, we ask how small powers navigate their way in the international system. We look at the case of the Philippines because of its unique positioning in a region where two great powers compete for influence. We argue that when faced with a crisis, small powers implement an interim solution by internationalizing an issue to protect itself and garner sympathy and support from partners and allies. Using securitization theory, we demonstrate that the Philippines generally pursued the following strategies: improving its bilateral relations with China and reinvigorating its alliance with the United States, urging asean to take a more active and assertive role in the South China Sea (scs) disputes, and using formal arbitration to engage the international community. We find, however, that a lasting solution remains elusive because the country lacks consistent follow-through and policy convergence. Hence, the Philippine experience in securitizing the scs and its simultaneous inability to implement a lasting solution is symptomatic of the tragedy that small powers face.