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The Jewish Question

History of a Marxist Debate

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Enzo Traverso

In The Jewish Question: History of a Marxist Debate, Enzo Traverso explores the causes and the forms of the encounter that took place, from the middle of the nineteenth century to the Holocaust, between the intelligentsia of a cosmopolitan minority and the most radical ideological current of Western modernity. From Karl Marx to the Frankfurt School, the 'Jewish Question' — to a set of problems related to emancipation and anti-Semitism, cultural assimilation and Zionism — raised significant controversies within Marxist theory. Enzo Traverso carefully reconstructs this intellectual debate that runs over more than a century, pointing out both its achievements and its blind alleys.

This is the second edition, completely rewritten and updated, of a book already translated into many languages (originally published in French, then translated into English, German, Spanish, Japanese, and Turkish).
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Josef van Ess

Theology and Society is the most comprehensive study of Islamic intellectual and religious history, focusing on Muslim theology. With its emphasis on the eighth and ninth centuries CE, it remains the most detailed prosopographical study of the early phase of the formation of Islam. Originally published in German between 1991 and 1995, Theology and Society is a monument of scholarship and a unique scholarly enterprise which has stood the test of time as an unparalleled reference work.
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Sensibilities of the Risorgimento

Reason and Passions in Political Thought

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Roberto Romani

A purely political framework does not capture the complexity of the culture behind Italians’ struggle for liberty and independence during the Risorgimento (1815-1861). Roberto Romani identifies the sensibilities associated with each of the two main political programmes, Mazzini’s republicanism and moderatism, which in fact were comprehensive projects for a political, moral, and religious resurgence. The moderates’ espousal of reason entailed an ideal personality expressed by private virtue, self-possession, and a public morality informed by Catholicism, while Mazzini’s advocacy of passions led to ‘enthusiasm’ and a total commitment to the cause. Romani demonstrates that the patriots’ moral quest rested on a thick cultural bedrock, dating back to Stoicism and the Catholic Aufklärung, and passing through Rousseau and the Revolution.

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Roberto Romani

This chapter, consisting of two parts, examines the sensibility put forward by the democratic and republican camp. The first part comprises Sections 1–5, and the second part Sections 6–8. The first three sections are devoted to Mazzini; his fascination with death, and the ensuing centrality of martyrdom in the sensibility he preached, is emphasised. Section 4 places the Mazzinian sensibility in the context of French culture, pointing in particular to the influence of Lamennais and Saint-Simon. The chapter then looks at the development of that sensibility at the hands of Ferrari and Franchi, who advocated both ‘sentiments’ (rather than passions) and philosophical reason (Sect. 5). In the second part of the chapter, Section 6 deals with the philosopher Spaventa, who appropriated Hegel’s reason for the left; Section 7 describes De Sanctis’s ‘faith’ as the outcome of his engagement with Romantic literature; and Section 8 considers two novels, one by Ruffini and the other by Nievo, testifying to the definitive demise of the Mazzinian sensibility.

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Roberto Romani

This chapter, consisting of two parts, examines the sensibility put forward by the democratic and republican camp. The first part comprises Sections 1–5, and the second part Sections 6–8. The first three sections are devoted to Mazzini; his fascination with death, and the ensuing centrality of martyrdom in the sensibility he preached, is emphasised. Section 4 places the Mazzinian sensibility in the context of French culture, pointing in particular to the influence of Lamennais and Saint-Simon. The chapter then looks at the development of that sensibility at the hands of Ferrari and Franchi, who advocated both ‘sentiments’ (rather than passions) and philosophical reason (Sect. 5). In the second part of the chapter, Section 6 deals with the philosopher Spaventa, who appropriated Hegel’s reason for the left; Section 7 describes De Sanctis’s ‘faith’ as the outcome of his engagement with Romantic literature; and Section 8 considers two novels, one by Ruffini and the other by Nievo, testifying to the definitive demise of the Mazzinian sensibility.

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Roberto Romani

In the 1850s the Piedmontese liberals created a peculiar political culture, suited to the twofold task of strengthening representative institutions at home and justifying the state’s ‘Italian’ mission abroad. The first section is introductory, and is chiefly devoted to historiographical issues. Section 2 deals with the economists’ contribution to political culture, a contribution amounting to a eulogy of the role of liberty in history meant to counter socialism. Section 3 identifies a moderate paradigm, which can in fact be constructed for Gioberti, Balbo, Carutti, Mamiani, and Boncompagni shared five critical arguments. Their goal was to defend elite government and counter democracy, drawing inspiration from the Whig tradition and, above all, from the Doctrinaires. Section 4 consists in an assessment of Cavour’s liberalism relying on his journalism and his parliamentary speeches. Section 5 relates the moderate paradigm to the issues that the Piedmontese state was confronted with, such as ecclesiastical policy and war in northern Italy. In the concluding remarks, attention is paid to the consequences of the fact that the moderates were led to portray everybody who was either on the right or the left of their camp as a ‘sectarian’, hence an enemy.

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Roberto Romani

In the 1850s the Piedmontese liberals created a peculiar political culture, suited to the twofold task of strengthening representative institutions at home and justifying the state’s ‘Italian’ mission abroad. The first section is introductory, and is chiefly devoted to historiographical issues. Section 2 deals with the economists’ contribution to political culture, a contribution amounting to a eulogy of the role of liberty in history meant to counter socialism. Section 3 identifies a moderate paradigm, which can in fact be constructed for Gioberti, Balbo, Carutti, Mamiani, and Boncompagni shared five critical arguments. Their goal was to defend elite government and counter democracy, drawing inspiration from the Whig tradition and, above all, from the Doctrinaires. Section 4 consists in an assessment of Cavour’s liberalism relying on his journalism and his parliamentary speeches. Section 5 relates the moderate paradigm to the issues that the Piedmontese state was confronted with, such as ecclesiastical policy and war in northern Italy. In the concluding remarks, attention is paid to the consequences of the fact that the moderates were led to portray everybody who was either on the right or the left of their camp as a ‘sectarian’, hence an enemy.

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Roberto Romani

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Roberto Romani

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Roberto Romani

This chapter addresses the political moderatism of the 1840s. Yet, the chapter begins with an account of Romagnosi’s constitutional project (1815), in order to indicate that, in principle, monarchical patriotism might have organised around an alternative cultural perspective, feeding on the ways of thinking of the Enlightenment. Sections 2 and 3 deal with Gioberti’s, Balbo’s, and d’Azeglio’s thought, focusing on their peculiar blend of cautious reformism and grand philosophical vision, as well as on their suspicion of parties and pluralism. In Section 4, their liberal credentials are compared with those of Constant, Guizot, Cattaneo, and other Italians. Section 5 reviews the three moderates’ interpretation of the republican communes of the Middle Ages. The chapter next examines how moderatism evolved over the 1840s; basically, it became less prudent and more confrontational as the broad consensus following the publication of Gioberti’s Primato and the election of Pius ix broke down. The chapter concludes with two sections exploring the sources of political moderatism, highlighting Chateaubriand in Section 7, and the ultramontane authors in Section 8.