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Reviewing European Union Accession

Unexpected Results, Spillover Effects, and Externalities

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Edited by Tom Hashimoto and Michael Rhimes

The year 2017 has been an uneasy one for the EU, with so-called Brexit on the horizon and the rise of populist euroskepticism in a number of Member States. This year, with the tenth anniversary of the Romanian and Bulgarian accession to the Union, is a good year to pause and reflect over the life and future of the Union. In this work, we envision the next decade with Europe 2020 strategy and review the fruits of the 2004 accession in Central and Eastern Europe. What has the Union achieved? Which policy areas are likely to change and how? How successful, and by what measure, has the accession of the 10 Member States in 2004 been? Reviewing European Union Accession addresses a wide range of issues, deliberately without any thematic constraints, in order to explore EU enlargement from a variety of perspectives, both scientific and geographical, internal and external. In contrast to the major works in this field, we highlight the interrelated, and often unexpected, nature of the integration process – hence the subtitle, unexpected results, spillover effects and externalities.

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Boyka Stefanova

This chapter revisits varying trends of Euroskepticism in Central and Eastern Europe (cee), as the scope of public reluctance to uncritically accept the benefits of eu membership in these countries remains poorly understood.1 The chapter examines key aspects of cee Euroskepticism as a component of the institutional history of the 2004 eu enlargement. The organizing perspective is that of the unexpected emergence and intensity of Euroskepticism in the countries of the eu’s eastward enlargement. By combining a variety of utilitarian, ideational, and attitudinal predispositions, significantly shaped by the national context, this evolving variety of Euroskepticism represents a valid measure of the public reaction to the purpose and policies of European integration.

cee Euroskepticism is reflected in ambiguous and unsettled levels of public trust in the eu against the background of general dissatisfaction with the workings of national democracy. The cee publics have become increasingly skeptical of their representation as citizens whose voice “counts” in the eu. They perceive the eu as less relevant to their personal situation although it represents well the interests of the Member States. Such contradictory dynamics suggests that the conventional measures of Euroskepticism as a pan-European phenomenon need to be re-examined by exploring trends of continuity and change in public support for the eu in cee with a special focus on political variables.

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Boyka Stefanova

This chapter revisits varying trends of Euroskepticism in Central and Eastern Europe (cee), as the scope of public reluctance to uncritically accept the benefits of eu membership in these countries remains poorly understood.1 The chapter examines key aspects of cee Euroskepticism as a component of the institutional history of the 2004 eu enlargement. The organizing perspective is that of the unexpected emergence and intensity of Euroskepticism in the countries of the eu’s eastward enlargement. By combining a variety of utilitarian, ideational, and attitudinal predispositions, significantly shaped by the national context, this evolving variety of Euroskepticism represents a valid measure of the public reaction to the purpose and policies of European integration.

cee Euroskepticism is reflected in ambiguous and unsettled levels of public trust in the eu against the background of general dissatisfaction with the workings of national democracy. The cee publics have become increasingly skeptical of their representation as citizens whose voice “counts” in the eu. They perceive the eu as less relevant to their personal situation although it represents well the interests of the Member States. Such contradictory dynamics suggests that the conventional measures of Euroskepticism as a pan-European phenomenon need to be re-examined by exploring trends of continuity and change in public support for the eu in cee with a special focus on political variables.

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Amelia Hadfield and Robert Summerby-Murray

This chapter examines the conceptual assumptions that underlie Erasmus: the eu’s most successful student mobility scheme. Originally designed to inspire a new “geography of European youth”, Erasmus provides ambiguous outcomes in terms of generating a deepened sense of European identity. A European youth demographic clearly exists, but its ability to support European integration through specific dynamics of identity, association, and skill generation have been undermined internally by a lack of clarity regarding the current purpose of Erasmus, and externally by the upheavals of enlargement and the Eurozone crisis.

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Amelia Hadfield and Robert Summerby-Murray

This chapter examines the conceptual assumptions that underlie Erasmus: the eu’s most successful student mobility scheme. Originally designed to inspire a new “geography of European youth”, Erasmus provides ambiguous outcomes in terms of generating a deepened sense of European identity. A European youth demographic clearly exists, but its ability to support European integration through specific dynamics of identity, association, and skill generation have been undermined internally by a lack of clarity regarding the current purpose of Erasmus, and externally by the upheavals of enlargement and the Eurozone crisis.

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Edited by Tom Hashimoto and Michael Rhimes

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Edited by Tom Hashimoto and Michael Rhimes

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Olga Khrushcheva

In October 2012, the European Union (eu) adopted Directive 2012/27/EU on energy efficiency. The Directive proposes a common framework of measures to promote energy efficiency and to ensure that the eu meets its 20% target on energy efficiency by 2020. Prior to the liberalization of markets, the years of the communist influence shaped the economic structure of the Central and Eastern European (cee) states, and the logic of planned economy did not promote energy efficiency. As a result, the energy intensity of the post-communist states was roughly 2.5 times of that of Western Europe. On the road to eu membership, the cee states demonstrated significant improvement in energy efficiency even prior to the 2012 Directive. Beyond cee, Russia had comparable problems in improving energy efficiency, and Russia’s economy is still rather wasteful. This chapter thus aims to investigate if there is a potential for strengthening the cooperation between Russia and the eu on energy efficiency, and what role the cee Member States may play in eu-Russia energy efficiency cooperation.

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Olga Khrushcheva

In October 2012, the European Union (eu) adopted Directive 2012/27/EU on energy efficiency. The Directive proposes a common framework of measures to promote energy efficiency and to ensure that the eu meets its 20% target on energy efficiency by 2020. Prior to the liberalization of markets, the years of the communist influence shaped the economic structure of the Central and Eastern European (cee) states, and the logic of planned economy did not promote energy efficiency. As a result, the energy intensity of the post-communist states was roughly 2.5 times of that of Western Europe. On the road to eu membership, the cee states demonstrated significant improvement in energy efficiency even prior to the 2012 Directive. Beyond cee, Russia had comparable problems in improving energy efficiency, and Russia’s economy is still rather wasteful. This chapter thus aims to investigate if there is a potential for strengthening the cooperation between Russia and the eu on energy efficiency, and what role the cee Member States may play in eu-Russia energy efficiency cooperation.

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Sandra Fernandes

Since 2004, the strategic dimension of the eu’s relationship with Moscow has been enhanced. Countries of the former Soviet sphere brought new political dimensions alongside the Union’s growing assertion as a global actor. eu post-enlargement ambitions also corresponded to a greater strategic orientation towards its neighborhood, materialized in its European Neighborhood Policy (enp) and a new mode of relationship with Moscow. Academic literature has been focusing mainly on eu’s internal adjustments concerning the impact of the Eastern enlargement on its approaches towards Russia, surrounded by the competing views on how to deal with Moscow. This chapter aims instead at focusing on specific policy outcomes, as compared to the initial stated goals advanced by Brussels at the time of enlargement (i.e. up to circa 2008). We argue that already existing tensions and issues have been sharpened in eu-Russia relations but that main priorities have been pursued, such as trade relations. We also argue that the empowerment of both actors is an additional variable that explains the impact of enlargement on a more difficult relationship with Russia. Considering a key eu document from 2004, we analyze the effects of enlargement on eu policies towards Russia and what (and how) core policies have been implemented in the last ten years prior to the Ukrainian crisis.