Around the globe, a growing group of politicians are drawing on far-right sentiments to win elections and pursue their policy agendas. Such trends have the potential to undermine established democratic principles within states and reverse trends towards democracy on a global scale. Global public opinion polls in democracies show that citizens no longer find it essential to live in a democracy (Foa and Mounk 2016; Levitsky and Ziblatt 2018). Furthermore, some see events such as the election of US President Trump and Brexit as catalysts for the diffusion of ultra-right-wing policies. In this article, we seek to explain the rise of the far-right beyond socio-economic and immigration concerns. We propose that not only do such politicians rely on domestic networks of support, but they are also aided by transnational far-right communities. These communities reinforce one another through the sharing of ideas, frames, and strategies to form an epistemic community. By examining political leaders’, parties’, and movements’ actions and rhetoric in our case studies of the U.S., Germany and the U.K., we illustrate the mutually supportive global communities of right-wing demagoguery. We conclude with a discussion of the findings and considerations for future research.
This paper argues that the “feeling of betrayal” thoroughly entangles feeling and narration into a single subjective impression. When felt by large numbers of citizens in the political realm, it motivates the desire to reassert national control over a realm where such control is perceived to have been lost. Expressions of “feeling betrayed” can be observed in the aftermath of the Great Recession and the consequent populist insurgencies impacting many Western countries, suggesting links between economic insecurity, feelings of betrayal, and the willingness to support non-mainstream political movements which demand a reassertion of national control. The paper attempts to demonstrate these links by analyzing Italy and Greece, two countries which saw a surge in support for populist groups after the Eurozone’s debt crisis.
The idea that populism is a ‘thin ideology’—unlike other full-bodied ‘thick’ ideologies like conservatism or socialism—has come close to being an orthodoxy among populism scholars. This paper challenges that view and argues that it is at best an open question whether populism meets the criteria of a thick ideology, which should be whether it offers a comprehensive program of political change and whether it has staying power. This argument will be made by reference to three countries, the United States, Sweden and India, all of which have recently seen a populist turn. The paper first summarizes debates about populism, ideology and social change. Then it provides a brief account of populism in the three country cases and argues that their populist turns may be a coherent and lasting new departure. The paper concludes with reflections about the broader ramifications of populism as ‘thick’ versus ‘thin’.
Existing studies on the coalitionability of radical and—oftentimes—populist (right or/and left) parties have concluded that government inclusion of these parties follows a complex and multi-causal pattern, and that the explanatory power of the conventional “size and ideology”-framework is limited. Starting from this observation, the present study sets out to further strengthen our understanding of radical government participation. First, the paper seeks to substantiate the relationships observed in a previous configurational cross-case analysis focusing on factors related to size and ideology: How is size and ideology related to radical government participation? The second aim of the paper is to further improve our understanding of why and when radical parties participate in coalition governments: If well-known factors related to electoral and parliamentary strength and ideological aptitude are—as recent cross-case evidence indicate—able to explain radical government participation only partly, which are the additional components that should be included in an enhanced explanatory framework?
This paper assesses the significance of social media for the Finns Party and the related anti-immigration movement from 2007 to the present day, in light of theories on the relationship of populism and social media. These include people-centrism, disenfranchisement, homophily, the attention economy, media elitism, and (lack of) communicative resources. Tracing the historical trajectory of the Finnish anti-immigration movement and the Finns Party, I argue that the Finnish case is an example of a movement being born online and using social media to build a political identity and strategically gain influence through a party, eventually transforming it from the inside out—rather than the party strategically using social media for its purposes, as is sometimes assumed in party-centric literature. While acknowledging the continued importance of parties, research on contemporary populist movements must take into account the political engagement of citizens facilitated by online media.
Migration, Reproduction and Society, Alejandro I. Canales offers a theoretical model for understanding the dilemmas presented by migration in the transformation of contemporary society. Aging and changing demographics in advanced societies make economic and social reproduction dependent upon the contributions made by immigration. However, these same demographic processes are conducive to ethnic transformations. The political dilemma facing advanced societies is that immigration is required to ensure their reproduction, but this entails becoming multicultural societies where the political hegemony of ethnic and demographic majorities becomes radically subverted. This paves the way to a pervasive political conflict already evident in the current immigration crisis in Europe just as in the revival of racism and xenophobia in the United States.
Migration, Reproduction and Society, Alejandro I. Canales propone un modelo teórico para el entendimiento del dilema político y social concerniente al papel de las migraciones en la transformación de la sociedad contemporánea. El envejecimiento y decline demográfico en las sociedades avanzadas hacen que la dinámica económica y la reproducción social de la población dependan directamente de los aportes que hace la inmigración. Sin embargo, estos mismos procesos demográficos propician una transformación étnica de sus actuales equilibrios sociales y demográficos. El dilema político que enfrentan las sociedades avanzadas es que para asegurar su reproducción debe necesariamente abrirse a la inmigración, pero ello conlleva la posibilidad de constituirse en sociedades multiculturales en donde la hegemonía política de las actuales mayorías étnicas y demográficas se trastocaría radicalmente. Es la base de un conflicto político cuyos indicios ya se advierten en la actual crisis migratoria en Europa, así como en el renacer del racismo y xenofobia en los Estados Unidos.
The Rhythm of Modernization, Raül Tormos analyses the pace at which belief systems change across the developed world during the modernization process. It is often assumed that value change follows the slow rhythm of generational replacement. This book, however, reports trends that contradict this assumption in the field of values. Challenging Inglehart’s modernization theory, the transition from traditional to modern values happens much quicker than predicted. Many “baby-boomers” who were church-going, morally conservative materialists when they were young, become unchurched and morally tolerant postmaterialists in their later years. Using surveys from multiple countries over many years, and applying cutting-edge statistical techniques, this book shows how citizens quickly adapt their belief systems to new circumstances throughout their lives.
The Marxist Theory of Dependency (TMD) managed to articulate the insertion of peripheral societies into the international market with the capital accumulation processes of each country. It has become an essential theory for the understanding of our societies. Since Ruy Mauro Marini laid out its foundations, many transformations have occurred in global capitalism and in our societies, leaving us the challenge of updating it against a more complex context.
The real test of theory is its adequacy as an instrument of understanding contemporary reality. The TMD has been enriched and renewed from this work of Carlos Eduardo Martins. It considers capitalism from the perspective of anti-capitalism, dependence from the standpoint of emancipation and reality through a vision for its revolutionary transformation.
Emir Sader - CLACSO General Secretary (2006-2012)
This book is a revised edition of a work first published in 2011 as
Globalização, dependência e neoliberalismo na América Latina by Boitempo Editorial, São Paulo, Brazil.
La teoría marxista de la dependencia (TMD) logró articular la inserción de las sociedades periféricas en el mercado internacional con los procesos de acumulación de capital de cada país. Se ha convertido en una teoría esencial para la comprensión de nuestras sociedades. Desde que Ruy Mauro Marini expuso sus fundamentos, muchas transformaciones ocurrieron en el capitalismo global y en nuestras sociedades, poniendo el desafío de actualización en condiciones más complejas
La prueba real de la teoría es su adecuación como instrumento de comprensión de la realidad contemporánea. La TMD sale enriquecida y renovada de esta obra de Carlos Eduardo Martins dedicada a pensar el capitalismo bajo la perspectiva del anticapitalismo, la dependencia en la óptica de la emancipación y la realidad en la perspectiva de su transformación revolucionaria.
Emir Sader - Secretario General CLACSO (2006-2012)
The Politics of Public Debt Daniel Bin analyzes how fiscal and monetary policies and the administration of public debt related to class, labor, and democracy during the period of neoliberal financialization in Brazil. Sustained by state action, the politico-economic context allowed the establishment of a macroeconomic framework that favored finance capital. It was characterized by the expropriation of workers’ incomes through a system involving public debt and taxation, capable of deepening labor exploitation. Decisions about public debt and related policies are analyzed in terms of their implications for economic democracy. The book raises the hypothesis that the 2016 coup within the Brazilian capitalist state sought to overthrow the political forces that were no longer able to administer this model.