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Steve J. Shone

Steve Shone’s Women of Liberty explores the many overlaps between ten radical, feminist, and anarchist thinkers: Tennie C. Claflin, Noe Itō, Louise Michel, Rose Pesotta, Margaret Sanger, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mollie Steimer, Lois Waisbrooker, Mercy Otis Warren, and Victoria C. Woodhull. In an age of great and understandable dissatisfaction with governments around the world, Shone illuminates both the lost wisdom of the anarchists and the considerable contribution of women to intellectual thought, influences that are currently missing from many classes documenting the history of political theory.

Series:

Edited by Steinar A. Sæther

In Expectations Unfulfilled: Norwegian Migrants in Latin America, 1820-1940 scholars from Europe and Latin America study the experiences of workers, sailors, whalers, landowners, intellectuals and investors who migrated from Norway to Latin America during the age of mass migration. One recurrent theme is the absence of a large migratory stream from Norway to Latin America. In relative terms, Norwegian emigration was among the highest in Europe. Latin America was one of the principal receivers of migrants in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Why, then, did so few Norwegians end up in Latin America? Combining different levels of analysis, the authors explain how Norwegians experienced Latin America, and how their experiences were communicated to potential migrants at home.

Contributors are: María Alvarez Solar, Cecilia Alvstad, María Bjerg, Mieke Neyens, Synnøve Ones Rosales, Ricardo Pérez Montfort, Steinar A. Sæther and Ellen Woortmann.

Series:

Natalia Tsvetkova

In Failure of American and Soviet Cultural Imperialism in German Universities, 1945-1990 Natalia Tsvetkova describes the American and Soviet policies in German universities during the Cold War. In both parts of divided Germany the conservative professorate resisted both the American and Soviet policies of reforms in universities. Whether these policies can be considered cases of cultural imperialism will be discussed in this book. As well as how and why both American and Soviet policies of the transformation of German universities eventually failed.

Economic Nationalism and Globalization

Lessons from Latin America and Central Europe

Series:

Henryk Szlajfer

In Economic Nationalism and Globalization: Lessons from Latin America and Central Europe Henryk Szlajfer offers, against the background of developments in Latin America (mainly Brazil) and Central Europe (mainly Poland) in times of first globalization from late 19th century until late 1930s, a reinterpretation of economic nationalism both as an analytical category and historical experience. Also, critically explored are attempts at proto-economic nationalism in early 19th century Poland and Latin America as well as links between economic nationalism and the emergence of integral political nationalism and authoritarianism.

Economic nationalism is interpreted as historically significant world-wide phenomenon intimately linked with the birth, development and crisis of capitalist modernity and as a response to underdevelopment under first globalization. Continuity of economic nationalism under present globalization is suggested.

Various Authors & Editors

Comintern Archives: Files of the Communist Party of Mexico

The Comintern archives: Top secret
The Communist, or Third, International (Comintern) and its archives, kept hidden away for many years, have been shrouded in rumor, conjecture, and myth. Its influence was heavily felt even in countries where it could only operate in semi- or total illegality, through secretive activities, yet it is impossible to write twentieth-century history without these archives. The archives, which are held in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History in Moscow, contain 55 million pages of original documents in almost 90 languages covering the entire period during which the organization was active (1919-1943). However, access to this indispensable source of information – 15 linear kilometers of shelving classified as "top secret" – was virtually impossible for many years. In 1992, the archives were opened up to the public, but were still difficult to access, due to their vastness and complexity.

Communist Party of Mexico
The Comintern ruled over the international Communist movement through its 70 partner organizations in Europe, Asia, America, and Africa, and deeply influenced the political life of many countries worldwide. In the 1920s, Mexico became subject to the steadfast attention of the Comintern. The CPM was considered to be an advanced post of the struggle against American imperialism. The Pan-American Bureau was created in Mexico as the Comintern’s regional body to coordinate the communistic movement in Latin America and the continental committee of the Anti-Imperialist League.

Unique Collection
The files of the Communist Party of Mexico ( fond 495, opis' 108) cover the period 1919-1940 and include extensive documentation of relations between the Comintern and its counterparts in Mexico and other countries in Latin America. Among the documents of the CPM, the most informative are letters, reports, and reports to the Executive Committee of the Comintern concerning workers’ and communist movements, the creation of the Popular Front, financing the work of the party, the presidential elections, and the activities of the churches in Mexico. Many documents in these collections are unique, for instance, the documents on two muralists – Diego Rivera and David Alfaro Sikejros (Siqueiros) – and correspondence between Sikejros and Secretary General of Profintern, A. Lozovskii. The collection also includes rare periodicals and newspapers, and many valuable photos. Until 1992, access to the documents of Communist parties was extremely limited; for example, researchers were allowed access only to printed materials, individual resolutions, and reports on the performance of CP delegates at the congresses of the Comintern.

The collection contains:
• Relations between the Comintern and its counterparts in Latin America, North America, and Europe;
• Material of the Caribbean Bureau, the Latin American Bureau, and the Pan-American Bureau;
• History of the Communist Party of Mexico and that of the USA;
• Correspondence with the Communist Party of the USA;
• Labor history, trade unions, and youth organization in Mexico;
• Pamphlets, ephemera, leaflets;
• Collection of rare periodicals and newspapers: Bandera Roja, Vida Nueva, La Voz del Campesino, El Machete, and Nuestros ideales.
The Daily Worker Online contains 23,064 pages, from 1922 until 1966, of The Daily Worker, the official mouthpiece of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) between 1924 and 1958, and The Worker.

The Daily Worker was the official mouthpiece of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) between 1924 and 1958. While performing this function, the newspaper represented nevertheless much more than just a tool of political propaganda. Originally, its articles and campaigns were intended to raise working-class awareness in the US and to promote the tenets of socialism there. However, gradually, The Daily Worker started to appeal to a broader audience, not just rank-and-file Communists. Its main target became the victims of the Great Depression, the masses of the unemployed, the dispossessed, and the marginalized minorities packing American metropolises. Its reports covered a wide range of subjects, from policy reforms to labor strikes, from civil rights to housing and urban planning, from foreign policy to sports, literature, and general culture.

Given the breadth of the topics covered by The Daily Worker and the fact that it navigated some of the most transformative years of American democracy and society, including the Progressive Era, the New Deal, WWII, and the Cold War, this newspaper constitutes an excellent resource for the reconstruction and analysis of both US domestic changes and varied foreign entanglements in the first half of the twentieth century. In fact, The Daily Worker was part and parcel of the wider American public debate, not just one of its many radical voices. For many years, its articles reflected the so-called Popular Front culture and spoke to a growing, complex, and multifaceted American left. To do so in an effective way, the newspaper relied on some of the most prominent artists and intellectuals of the era, such as Woody Guthrie, Martha Graham, Lester Rodney, Mike Gold, and many others. As a result, some of The Daily Worker’s campaigns rapidly broke out of the radical realm and entered mainstream public debate. Instances of this, for example, were when the newspaper promoted racial desegregation in professional American sports, when its editors advocated for minimum wages and fair employment conditions, and when its articles contributed to popularizing the war alliance with the USSR.

Even so, The Daily Worker remained largely aligned with a communist perspective on and interpretation of both domestic and international affairs. This is the principal reason, as soon as the Cold War began and the cooperative spirit of the Popular Front disappeared, the paper took a much more orthodox turn, which put it on a collision course with both the emergence of a Cold War consensus among American liberals and, most importantly, with the staunch anti-communism that characterized 1950s America. From that moment onward, the newspaper started to be generally perceived as a destabilizing threat to American democracy. The FBI increased its surveillance of the newspaper’s editors, subscription figures dropped, and communist voices were stigmatized and marginalized. These factors all contributed to the closure of The Daily Worker at the beginning of 1958. After a brief suspension of activities, the CPUSA published a weekend paper called The Worker from 1958 to 1968.

The Daily Worker Online has been digitized in cooperation with the International Institute of Social History.