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Mursi is a Nilo-Saharan language spoken by a small group of people who live in the Lower Omo Valley, Ethiopia, and is one of the most endangered languages of the country.
Based on the fieldwork that the author conducted in beautiful villages of the Mursi community, this descriptive grammar is organized into fourteen chapters rich in examples and an appendix containing four transcribed texts. The readers are thus provided with a clear and useful tool, which constitutes and important addition to our knowledge of Mursi and of other related languages spoken in the area.
Besides being an empirical data source for linguists interested in typology and endangered language description and documentation, the grammar constitutes an invaluable gift to the speech community.
Author: Erin Shay
This is the first broad, detailed grammar of the Giziga language, which belongs to the Chadic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family. The language is spoken in parts of the Far North Region of the Republic of Cameroon and can be divided into two dialects, Giziga and Northern Giziga, with about 80,000 native speakers in total. This volume describes the Giziga dialect, occasionally referring to the Northern variety, and aims to provide new information about this and other Afro-Asiatic languages for further research in linguistics, history, anthropology, sociology and related fields. The book will also be a tool helping Giziga speakers preserve their language, history and culture for future generations.
Volume I: Politics, Poverty, Marginalization and Education
With Africa as its point of reference and departure, this volume examines why and how the two concepts – radicalisms and conservatisms – should not be taken as mere binaries around which to organize knowledge. It demonstrates that these concepts have multiple and diverse meanings as perceived and understood from different disciplinary vantage points, hence, the deliberate pluralization of the terms. The essays show what happens when one juxtaposes the two concepts and how they are easily intertwined when different peoples’ lived experiences of poverty, political and social alienation, education, intolerance, youth activism, social (in)justice, violence, etc. across the length and breadth of Africa are brought to bear on our understandings of these two particularisms.

Contributors are: Adekunle Victor Owoyomi, Adeshina Francis Akindutire, Adewale O. Owoseni, Bright Nkrumah, Clement Chipenda, Ebenezer Babajide Ishola, Edwin Etieyibo, Israel Oberedjemurho Ugoma, Jonah Uyieh, Jonathan O. Chimakonam, Madina Tlostanova, Maduka Enyimba, Muchaparara Musemwa, Odirin Omiegbe, Obvious Katsaura, Olufunke Olufunsho Adegoke, Peter Kwaja, Philip Akporduado Edema, Tafadzwa Chevo, and Temitope Owolabi.

Abstract

Formal education is perceived as a veritable tool and instrument for the acquisition of appropriate skills, abilities, knowledge and competence both physical and mental knowledge, for the youth to earn a living and contribute to the development of his or her society. Given how much this view is prized in Nigeria, there has been a surge in places like Delate State in pupils and students admission into primary, secondary and tertiary schools at a very early age of 3-4 years primary school, 8-9 years secondary school and 14 years tertiary school. Meanwhile, limited studies are available investigating the abuse and impact of early schooling on children development. This chapter examines the academic abuse and violence against the students in Delta State, Nigeria. It particularly reviewed the academic achievement records of 700 secondary school students from 10 public secondary schools, who were under aged at the point of their entrance into the school (Between 8 and 9 years). They were compared with the academic records of 300 students who were in their late childhood at the point of entrance into the secondary school between 12-13 years. The study made use of Ex-post facto research design. One research question was raised and was answered using mean and standard deviation, while one hypothesis was tested at 0.05 alpha level using the statistical t-test. The findings show significant difference in academic achievement of the correlated students in favor of the late entrants. In conclusion, the chapter traces and links the effect of the academic abuse of the students to the immaturity of their prefrontal cortex of the brain, meant for learning. Based on this, it recommends the following: That (1) children below 6 years of age should not be made to start primary school; (2) children below 11 years of age should not be made to start secondary school; (3) parents be made aware of the growth and development of their children to avoid putting pressure on their children to start school early: and (4) proprietors and authorities of private schools be strictly monitored to avoid abusing the youth academically.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

Abstract

Decolonial critique of modernity/coloniality emerged at the end of the Cold war when the happy image of globalization was launched as the only option left for the humanity. Decolonial thought instead came up with the idea of decoloniality as an alternative possible world with a specific epistemology, ethics and politics. This decolonial model has gradually become attractive worldwide against the failure of the positive phase of neoliberal globalization epitomized in the Covid-19 crisis. The binaries of conservatism and radicalism as well as right and left, democracy and authoritarianism, nationalism and cosmopolitanism are outdated products of the previous model of knowledge unable to describe the present social and political reality in which conservatism easily becomes radical and calling for change, whereas yesterday’s radicals turn into supporters of status-quo who are nostalgic of the past. The present shift from neoliberal globalism to right-wing nationalism and populism essentially leaves the global coloniality intact and multiplies the number of the new dispensable defutured lives - human and other. It also adds additional angles of discrimination and dehumanization such as technological coloniality. Possible venues for decolonial re-existence are linked with relationality, refusal to compete for a better place in modernity or a tag of a victim, and working for “deep coalitions”, thus attempting to give the world back its future dimension.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

Abstract

Nigeria currently has 20 million out-of-school children, 13.2 million children out of this are victims of Boko Haram’s activities in north east Nigeria, making it the highest in the world. The dislocation of families and destruction of basic infrastructure have rendered several children of school age to be out of school. This study, therefore, aims at unravelling the magnitude of out-of-school children in the north east of Nigeria. The study also seeks to assess the coping strategies of parents of out of school children to meet their children’s educational needs. It will also assess measures taken by the government (if any) to address the problem. The study employed the system theory and relying on secondary data sources, findings show that terrorism in Nigeria is opposed to western education, most especially girls' education, schools have become one of the targets of attack and kidnapping of school girls, leading to temporary closure of schools and displacement of children and adults in the affected area. It is expected that findings of the study will unravel the magnitude of the problem as well as proffer solutions for meeting the educational needs of the victims of terrorism in North East Nigeria.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

Abstract

Human interest is fundamentally underscored by ambivalence that conditions the pursuit and attainment of common good. It could be stated that African development is trapped in the contested network of interests that are defined autochthonous and those derived from foreign accretions, consequent upon post-colonial indices of self-definition, recognition, socio-political, and economic determination among others that condition the harness of human interest. In South Africa and Nigeria, there are past and recent telling evidences to this effect. In this connection, this discourse adopts critical and analytical methods by embracing Innocent Asouzu’s (an African philosopher) outlook of complementarity approach to reflect on the notions of human interest and common good in contemporary Africa. Basically, it argues for a rapprochement of sustainable complementary interests to establish that human interest(s) are missing links in reality, which when unified in the service of a transcendental goodwill, need not alienate African identity, common good, and development. Furthermore, the discourse clarifies that even though complementarity of interest is desirable to address missing links in reality, it must be reasonably moderated to discern the extent of host nations’ (South Africa and Nigeria) responsibility and obligations toward migrants/immigrants. In other words, the discourse also suggests that ‘unequaled’ rights and privileges of the host nations (citizens/indigenes) over foreigners would determine the realization or otherwise of complementarity of interest in situation of political contestation over limited resources and livelihood opportunities.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms
In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms
Author: Jonah Uyieh

Abstract

Across the world, youths have been and are agents of change in different societies. In Nigeria, likewise other African countries, many of the youths have kept a positive mindset and have fitted well into whatever roles they found themselves. However, majority of the youths have also used the opportunity created by the widening gap of unemployment and other avenues of socio-economic and political ineffectiveness to fit into new forms of ‘dirty-relevance’ in their immediate and general environments. These new forms of relevance have manifested in individual’s and group’s activities of hooliganism, violence, militancy, and other social vices of youths during elections and in post-election political periods. The developments have also attracted so much attention from the local and international media. To a reasonable degree, in Delta State, south-south Nigeria, youths’ negative cultures have transformed into militancy; while in Lagos State, south-west of the country, such have entrenched the reign of Area Boys. Both have been deployed as political tools since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 to date. Hence, with the specific examples of these two states, this paper examines the background, trend, nature and impact of youths’ extremism in Nigeria. This is a qualitative study that employs unstructured interview methods to generate primary data from selected persons in both states during the field work. It analyses the new forms of youth roles from the perspectives of the actors, ordinary citizens and politicians; and how they have served as mixed bags in the contemporary development of these states and the country at large. In addition, it provides recommendations on how to find a lasting solution to this menace of youths’ dirty-relevance.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms
Author: Peter Kwaja

Abstract

The study seeks to ascertain the effects of training techniques of empathic responding on conflict reduction among secondary school adolescents. The training technique is Lessons on Empathic Responding and Perception (LERP). Gender was examined as a moderating variable on the effects of the treatment. The study was delimited to senior secondary school II students in Ika South Local Government Area of Delta State. The study adopts the quasi experimental design. Three research questions were raised and answered. The sample for the study consisted of forty students (20 males and 20 females) who were screened using the conflict prone instrument (CPI) and assigned to experimental and control groups. The experimental group was exposed to an eight week training programme, while the control group received life skills lessons that were not related to empathy. Davis’ Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) and the conflict prone instrument (CPI) were used to measure empathy and adolescents proneness to conflict. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze the data collected. Mean gained and loss formed the basis for acceptance or rejection of the researcher questions. The major findings include: LERP was significantly effective in improving students’ empathy; Post test empathy mean scores as measured by IRI of adolescents exposed to the treatment significantly increased; there was a mean loss in the post test conflict mean scores of adolescents exposed to treatment. There was also no significant interaction effect between gender and treatment. Based on the results and educational implications of the findings, it was recommended among others that LERP should be used as secondary school-based programmes for the development of empathy and its related skills in adolescent in order to foster the reduction of adolescents’ conflict in secondary schools.

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms