This paper examines how the affirmative action programme based on Malay preferential policies has influenced the formation of ambiguous socio-cultural policies (incorporating Malay cultural dominance and the recognition of non-Malay cultural rights) that hinder the development of national integration. This study is conducted by analysing the relationship between Malay preferential policies and the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism. Because Malay preferential policies are logically incompatible with the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism, these policies influence the shaping of ambiguous socio-cultural policies. In addition, the direction of Malay preferential policies is examined by considering ethnic tensions regarding these policies and the government’s efforts after the 2008 election. The government is confronting a dilemma and has not yet determined its direction. Malay preferential policies will not be abolished in the near future, and the nature of socio-cultural policies will remain ambiguous. Thus, a dramatic development of national integration cannot be expected in the foreseeable future.
The role of education and research in social progress is vital. Since China was admitted into the World Trade Organization in 2001, its economic, financial and trade assistance with Africa has intensified, reflecting certain aspects of the claims associated with the Bandung Conference in 1955. And Japanese relations with Africa, which were at their peak from the end of 1980s through the beginning of the 1990s, have steadily been declining. Furthermore, as China has become the second largest economy in the World since 2010, it has begun projecting its influential power in Africa. Despite the newfound emergence of Chinese power in Africa, it is Japan that has created the strongest institutional support of its activities in the name of new Japan International Cooperation Agency ( JICA), which redefines Japan relationship with Africa through the TICAD initiative.
The competition between these two powers can benefit Africa if she can build her political leverage in her own capacity to identify her priorities with confidence and determination. Using comparative and historical perspectives, this article focuses on the examination of the new trends regarding Chinese and Japanese assistance to Africa with a particular focus on education and research.
Even though many African and Asian countries share a common history of European colonialism and thus a model of economic development shaped within the aegis of center-periphery analysis, many Asian countries have been able to ride through the burden of center-periphery economics and built more successful political economies than most African countries. This state of affairs has often led many African analysts to point to Asian success stories like China and South Korea for comparative analysis and often see these Asian countries as models of socio-economic and socio-cultural success to emulate. In particular, Africans in the Diaspora, especially Africans in China, tend to compare very frequently the socio-economic and socio-cultural conditions of their host countries with those of their source countries. This paper outlines and discusses how a group of Africans living in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia see Korea and Korean culture through the prism of Korean television dramas, which constitute a popular cultural phenomenon among Hong Kong/Asian youths. Through qualitative and quantitative survey methods, participant-observation, and questionnaire surveys, the paper reports on how African community members of Hong Kong and others think of Koreans. We show that Africans draw a lot of comparisons between Korean and African ways of conceptualizing the world.
The author’s interest in Africa’s relations with India goes back to his doctoral thesis at Oxford University, published under the title of Towards a Pax Africana. The impact of India upon twentieth century Africa has a special place for Gandhi’s strategies of civil disobedience and Nehru’s principle of nonalignment. Gandhi’s satyagraha (soul force) inspired African political figures as diverse as Nobel laureate Albert Luthuli of South Africa and Ivorian president Houphouet-Boigny. Nehru’s ideas about what used to be called “positive neutralism” helped to shape African approaches to foreign policy in the entire post-colonial era. The essay, published almost two decades ago, explored these historical dimensions in this prescient analysis.
We argue in this article that the African continent has so far achieved less than it might have done because of three phases of technological constraint: a phase of Ecological Impediment, a phase of imperial impediment, and a phase of attitudinal impediment. Just as formal education (both colonial and post-colonial) has played a role in this process, it can be part of the solution, starting with educational policies seeking to overcome technological amnesia. Indeed, Africa needs to recover those aspects of its creativity (in medicine, technologies, etc.) which had flourished before, but were destroyed by the colonial regimes. The solution to the impediments includes also reconsidering the interrupted symphony of the Federal University of East Africa and mobilizing pan Africanism in pursuit of greater intellectual and academic cooperation.