This chapter deals with the history of the sociolinguistic position of English in Ghana which is realized in the distinct new variety: Ghanaian English
(GhaE) and in its sub-categories: Ghanaian Pidgin English
Ghanaian Pidgin English
Ghanaian Pidgin English
) and Student Pidgin
Student Pidgin (Ghana)
(SP). It is argued that these are mainly urban-driven. The statistics on the spread and competence of English and the repercussions of the linguistic
imbalance in the country as English is in contact and in competition with the over 50 local languages are considered. The attitude to and the dominance of English in the education system and the implications of these are also discussed. GhaE’s distinct phonology, lexical features and its structural tendencies are discussed. As GhaE moves ever further from the dominant
center the chapter speculates on the sociolinguistic implications of this shift and on whether a distinct sociolectal divide is being created.
The Philippines is one of the top migrant sending countries and is often lauded as a model migrant country due to its skilled migrant labor force, high remittance rates and forward-thinking government policies. However, it is often criticized for its policies of exploitative labor migrant export, its dependency to migrant remittances, and its failure to offer migrant protection. In recent years, scholars and policy makers have suggested using human security as an approach to address the challenges of migration. By bringing the focus away from the state to becoming people-centered, human security aims to address the problems of statelessness, the lack of migrant protection, human rights, and offers long-term solutions to migration. Since the Philippines is highly dependent on migrant labor and is in the forefront of promoting migrant conditions in the international arena, some relevant questions can be raised: what are the role and benefits of using a human security approach for migrants? How does the Philippines attempt to secure human security for its migrants? Has the Philippines achieved human security for its migrants? This paper argues that as the Philippines grew more dependent on labor migration, human security for migrants is attempted by the state through an institutionalized set of policies and assumptions. The promise of migrant welfare and human security is premised on the following points: creating better policies and institutionalizing migrant state agencies, creating national laws together with bilateral and multilateral agreements on migration and in recent years, and the promotion of migration and development initiatives. While these attempts may hold promise, they suffer from limitations on implementation and sustainability. In the final analysis, human security can only be achieved by working towards a national dialogue on migration where stakeholders from the state, civil society organizations, and migrant groups participate in the national debate on the future of migration. Only by reaching a national dialogue on responsive and long-term policies that are grounded in human security can the country go beyond the view that migration and development policies are a catch-all panacea to the problems of migrant protection and long-term economic development in the homeland.
The main objective of this paper is to examine the position of Africa in the global division of labor in the era of globalization by deconstructing the assumptions, institutions and tools that buttress the North-South and the South-South relations in general and by using the aid, trade and investment regimes in particular. The paper argues that Africa has been integrated in the global economy at least since the middle of the 19th century with the colonization of the continent, albeit in a different form and intensity, but it has been located at the bottom of the hierarchy of the integration ladder playing a marginal role mainly on account of two reasons – firstly, its development destiny has been dictated from afar by its old (Global North, like Europeans) and also by the emerging (Global South, like China and India) external powers, as each of them tried to fulfill their national interests; and secondly, it has been following protectionist and unwelcoming economic policies internally. The net effect of the external pressure on Africa is nothing, but the emergence of an asymmetrical economic relationship between Africa and that of the old and the new powers. Accordingly, at present, the continent is suffering from the multiple byproducts of economic globalization like low prices for its primary products, infant manufacturing and industrialization, limited and constrained market access, huge debt burden, and economic and political conditionality.
As a cross-disciplinary journal in the humanities and social sciences,
Bandung: Journal of the Global South aims at providing an academic and policy platform for scholars and practitioners to develop new theoretical perspectives, share revealing findings, and exchange views. These should be grounded on the complex postcolonial landscapes of African, Asian, and Latin American peoples, for identifying their own ways and strategies of development and decolonization. Alternative paradigms, worldviews, ontologies, and epistemologies as well as praxis are encouraged to develop context-sensitive debates pertinent to African, Asian, and Latin American intellectual traditions and empirical, cultural, and theoretical realities.
In their respective struggles for liberation the Asians and Africans, as oppressed people, joined forces in the first half of the 20th century by forming several pre-Bandung organizations. On the African side people of African descent, from the continent and the Diaspora, united to provide the leadership for substantive participation to the common African-Asian front that led to the Bandung conference of April 18-24 1955. The intelligentsia of African descent, including young students in Western Europe and the United States, played leadership roles in shaping the movements. Among them are W. E. B. Du Bois of the United States and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. In terms of the post-Bandung establishment of enduring legacies, it is worth indicating that the resolutions and some of their applications led to global coalitions including the Non-Aligned Movement and G77 within the United Nations. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary that was marked by the April 22-24 2005 Asian-African Summit held in Indonesia African and Asian leaders decided to rekindle the spirit of Bandung and renew their commitment to attain its goal through renewed cooperation between Asia and Africa in adopting the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP). Despite the continued challenges that African countries face in varying degrees, a regained confidence building on their assets, especially with different generations of people of the continent and historic and recent Diaspora, with it would be possible to build a global front toward the reaffirmation of global common humanity guided by the spirit of Bandung.
The landscape of post-colonial development is marked by deepening dependency of the developing states on the core states consisted mainly of western developed countries. The continuous widening of the north–south divide is not surprising given that the discourse on international relations has been dominated by western ideologies of realism, liberalism and constructivism, resulting in an insufficient attempt to examine international relations from a non-Westphalian perspective. Through the implementation of the Washington Consensus, developing countries are being forced to follow the development model of liberal democracy designed by the West, for the benefit of the West. This paper attempts to investigate an alternative approach from a Chinese historical structural perspective. By highlighting the key tenets of Confucianism, this paper aims to contribute towards a non-Western international relations discourse that is based on moral values. Attempts by China to provide assistance to the “poor south” are marred by accusations of neo-colonialism. In order to fulfil its great power responsibility, China needs to incorporate these Confucian values into its Beijing Consensus so that the global south can abandon their dependency on the West and truly set the stage for south-south cooperation.
So far in the twenty-first century, those African universities
that have achieved world-class status have done so at great expense: the cost is their preparedness to produce graduates who are ill-equipped and unmotivated to consider the impact of their work upon the quality of human life, unable to assess universalized recipes for progress inherited from an age when the benefits of scientific reasoning were presumed to be coextensive with the expansion of Anglo-European culture and interests. I explore the ambiguous role of the Internet, automated intelligence and digitalization of information in regimenting the process of knowledge production
to serve a narrowly focused multinational elite business class. I demonstrate that research cartels and governmental-industrial-educational conglomerates perpetuate global ignorance about two thirds of the world’s populations. I explore how Africa-based intellectuals, located on the periphery of digital highways, are not cyber-entrapped and thereby enjoy an epistemic advantage for assessing the overall impact of science-for-profit upon the human family and the bio-sphere.