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Andreas Abele


Sulpicius Severus’ account of St Martin sharing his cloak with the beggar at the gate of Amiens is still one of the most prominent and best-known episodes of late antique Christian hagiography. This deed is considered above all as the epitome of Martin’s charity and will to follow Christ. Furthermore, this episode also serves to apologize Martin’s military service in the Roman army. The latter was a heavy burden for Sulpicius’ saint, which the author of his Vita had to get rid of in the most credible way possible. Sulpicius asserts that Martin’s compulsory military service was dominated by Christian virtues. A narratological close reading focusing on the categories of ‘distance’ and ‘focalization’ and applying linguistic analysis tools as well shows that eventually it is the narrative disposition of the ‘Amiens episode’ that makes the narrator’s earlier apologetic authorial statements credible.

Addendum Vratislaviensis

Addition to miscellaneum ‘The Codex Vratislaviensis of Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana’ (published online 22 August 2019)

Gerard J. Boter

Richard Hunter and Rebecca Laemmle


This paper considers the etymologising of the names of Apollo in Plato, Cratylus and Plutarch, The E at Delphi. It is argued that the richness of the god’s etymologies in these texts and in classical literature more generally suggests that a special connection was seen between the nature of Apollo and the practices of etymologising; this connection is in part owed to the similarities between etymologising and prophetic speech and practice and in part to the fact that ancient etymology reveals settled, unchanging truths about language, just as Apollo manifests the settled, unchanging order of the world. The paper sheds light not just upon ancient etymological practice from Homer onwards but also on certain conceptions of the nature of Apollo.

Alex Andrew Antoniou


This article challenges accepted interpretations of Cassius Dio (51.20.6-8) concerning the worship of the living emperor in Rome and the Italian peninsula. I offer a new interpretation of this frequently discussed passage by demonstrating that Dio was keen to emphasise that Augustus, as Dio’s model emperor, was not himself responsible for the temples and cults raised to him in Rome and Roman Italy. I also briefly explore the beneficial consequences of this interpretation in our wider study of emperor worship in the Italian peninsula.

Hearing the λόγος

Diogenes of Babylon and the ἐπιστηµονικὴ αἴσθησις

Spencer A. Klavan


I examine here an arresting and poorly understood pair of fragments (Phld. Mus. 4.34.2-8, 115.26-35) in which the Stoic Diogenes of Babylon refers to ‘scientific sense perception’ (ἐπιστηµονικὴ αἴσθησις). Previous studies of this phrase have focussed on its attribution by Sextus Empiricus to Plato’s nephew, Speusippus. But Sextus is likely mistaken in crediting the phrase to the Academy. I argue that ‘scientific sense perception’ is best interpreted as Diogenes’ contribution to Stoic epistemology in an effort to defend the ἦθος theory of musical affect against attacks from its detractors. By identifying a hitherto unnoticed reference to Aristoxenus of Tarentum, I show that Diogenes used ἐπιστηµονικὴ αἴσθησις to give ἦθος theory new intellectual viability in the Hellenistic schools. Using the concept of ‘scientific sense perception’, the Stoic could have supported the claim that those trained in harmonic science may directly perceive ethical and emotional content even in wordless music.

‘Interpreters of Interpreters’

Oracular and Grammatical Hermeneutics

Minna Seppänen and Antti Lampinen


We discuss analogies between oracular and grammatical interpretation, as reflected in our Greek and Latin sources from the Classical era to the High Empire. The two hermeneutical professions of µάντις and γραµµατικός both aim at elucidating the thought (διάνοια) involved in the interpretandum. This is a notion quite frequently made at one level or another in ancient literature, as evidenced for example in writings by Plato, Crates of Mallus, Aristarchus, Cicero, Nigidius Figulus, and Sextus Empiricus.

Mirjam Elbers

Neil Warren Bernstein


This paper examines Ammianus Marcellinus’ intertextual dialogue with epic tradition in his account of the Persian siege of Amida (Amm. Marc. 19.1-9). It adds to the stock of meaningful Vergilian allusions in the Amida episode, as well as examining significant allusions to Vergil’s successors, Ovid, Lucan, and the Flavian poets. Epic offers both a verbal resource for the historian’s richly varied prose as well as an effective generic vehicle to signify the scale of his personal experience of combat.

Brian Walters


It has long been suspected that Roman moralizing and the slander of political enemies lay behind the story of Sulla’s horrific death by vermin. This study traces the evocative logic of Sulla’s affliction to a constellation of Roman attitudes about corruption, self-mastery, and the body politic. It also argues that Sulla’s own rhetoric about the health of the state played a formative role in shaping narratives about his gruesome end.

Thomas Biggs


At Bellum civile 1.403-404, Lucan makes a subtle reference to Varro of Atax. Through this metapoetic gesture, he suggests that Varro’s Argonautae and Bellum Sequanicum are topics abandoned in favor of the civil war that the Bellum civile is bold enough to depict. This article first discusses the philological evidence for recognizing the reference and the implications of seeing Varro and the Argonautae in Lucan’s poem. The second section focuses on the idea of Varro’s Bellum Sequanicum and the distinctive dynamic of departure found in the catalog of Bellum civile 1. In particular, it suggests that the movement of Roman troops from Germany and Gaul into Italy represents the movement from textual Bella Gallica and Sequanica to Bellum civile. The qualities of ferocity and gentleness are also shown to play important roles in the metapoetics of the epic.

Konstantine Panegyres

Angeliki Nektaria Roumpou


This article reviews two new commentaries on Silius Italicus’ Punica published in 2017 by Oxford University Press: by Neil Bernstein on book 2 and by Joy Littlewood on book 10. Both volumes offer an introduction, translation and commentary as well as an analysis of important thematic points. This review considers each book’s main strengths, discusses their limitations, and demonstrates their immense contribution to Flavian scholarship. Moreover, it examines the place of these two particular books in current Silian studies, considering how they inscribe themselves into current trends.

José Marcos Macedo and Daniel Kölligan


It is argued that Cretan µωλεῖν ‘contend, bring an action to court’ may be derived from PIE *melh3- ‘to go, walk’, attested also in Gk. prs. βλώσκω, aor. ἔµολον, reflecting the frequent usage of motion verbs in legal contexts meaning ‘file a lawsuit’. The derivational basis of µωλέω may have been a thematized root noun *mṓlh3-s ‘going (to court)’ or a vr̥ddhi-formation based on *µολός ‘going’.

Włodzimierz Olszaniec

Virginia M. Lewis


When the Greek embassy visits Sicily to convince Gelon to support their cause against the Persian threat, Herodotus begins the Sicilian logos with the story of a man named Telines, an ancestor of the Deinomenid tyrants, Gelon and Hieron. This paper first argues that by resolving the stasis in Gela and securing the civic priesthood of the chthonic goddesses for his descendants Telines prefigures Gelon’s rise to power as tyrant in Sicily. Next, it demonstrates that kingship and the priesthood of Demeter and Persephone are closely linked in Deinomenid ideology in epinician poetry, which provides a crucial backdrop for Herodotus’ portrayal of Gelon. Finally, the paper examines subtle references to the cult of Demeter and Persephone in Herodotus’ account and proposes that Herodotus’ descriptions of the Deinomenids offer a cautionary tale in support of practices that uphold the boundaries between inherited priesthoods and political power in fifth-century Athens.

Joseph Geiger


The appearance of Epaminondas in Plutarch’s De genio Socratis, who neither contributes significantly to the dialogue nor takes part in the liberation of Thebes from the Spartan rulers, seems gratuitous. This essay argues that an intertextual interplay must have existed between Plutarch’s essay and his lost Life of Epaminondas, the author’s favourite hero. Whatever the exact nature of that interplay, the historical background of Plutarch’s work was the recent assassination of Domitian: the forcible removal of tyrants was not only a theoretical question referred to by Epaminondas in the De genio, but also of immediate historical relevance.

Casper C. de Jonge and Arjan A. Nijk


This article discusses the critical comparison (σύγκρισις) of the styles of Demosthenes and Cicero in Longinus, On the Sublime 12.4-5. Many readers have claimed that Longinus here presents Demosthenes and Cicero as two different models of the sublime. A detailed analysis of the passage, however, reveals that while the two are both credited with grandeur (µέγεθος), they are in fact not treated on a par with respect to sublimity (ὕψος). While the style of Demosthenes is described with keywords of Longinus’ conception of the sublime (ὕψος), Cicero’s style is consistently associated with the quality of diffusion (χύσις), which is closely associated with amplification (αὔξησις). Longinus’ discussion of Cicero may have pleased the Roman readers in his audience, as he is presented as a canonical author of ‘great’ literature. We argue, however, that in the end, Longinus reserves the status of sublimity for his heroes of classical Greece.

George Woudhuysen


In this article, I examine the name of a friend and correspondent of the fourth-century poet Rufius Festus Avienius, commonly identified hitherto as Flavianus Myrmeicus. After summarising the current state of research and translating the verse epistle which he received, I argue that, for a variety of reasons, Myrmeicus cannot be his name. Instead, it should be emended to Myrmecius, which was his signum: an example of a type of nickname which many Romans of elevated status in late antiquity bore in addition to their birth names. I examine Myrmecius as a signum within the context of late-Roman supernomina more generally, in the process clarifying how and in what circumstances and combinations they were used, and suggesting several sources from which they might be derived. I then explain how Myrmecius’ signum might have been mangled in the course of transmission, and conclude by noting that while the bulk of attested signa are found on inscriptions, Myrmecius suggests that many more may currently lie concealed in literary texts.

Leonardo Costantini


This study offers an interpretation of the people as a collective character in Petronius’ novella of the widow of Ephesus. Through discussing the importance of their role within the economy of the story, it becomes clear that the traditional Roman values they praise become progressively opposed to the widow’s behaviour in the second part of the story. This analysis also makes it possible to appreciate fully the impact of the finale on the internal audience, and specifically on Lichas, who empathises both with the crucified husband and with the traditional views of this collective character. Following this interpretation of the people as a collective character, the Appendix presents a new argument to preserve a Vergilian quotation (A. 4.39) that editors generally expunge at Petr. 112.2.

David F. Driscoll


In his Quaestiones Convivales, a sympotic text recounting more than 75 purportedly historical banquets set in Rome and Greece, Plutarch represents intellectuals engaging with early lyric (melic, iambic, and elegiac poetry) as they express broader views about aesthetic taste. In contrast to Homeric poetry, which is commonly quoted by all characters in the symposium but proportionally more by lower-ranking participants, those who quote lyric appear to be exclusively individuals of higher status. The paper provides specific metrics that further illuminate this phenomenon, and it makes a number of suggestions regarding the relationship between literary taste and social status in Plutarch’s Quaestiones Convivales.

David Lévystone


The main disciples of Socrates criticise the use of city walls. However, their attacks are less grounded in a deep strategic reflexion than related to the traumatic consequences of Pericles’ strategy at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. The Lacedemonians’ opposition to the erection of surrounding walls is more likely linked to their aristocratic ideology and interests than to moral imperatives. Though Plato and Xenophon’s motives are to avoid political divisions in the city, their positions on fortifications reveal their aristocratic bias and the question of the walls appears to be part of a more general questioning on the spatial and political organisation of the city. On that issue, Aristotle criticises Plato from a pragmatic point of view and defends the use of walls, but under strict conditions only. The Spartan and Socratic critique of the building of the walls, as well as Aristotle reluctance to fully accept them, could be traced back to a common Greek archaic ideal.

Felix J. Meister


Sappho’s fr. 111 V. is an important specimen of Sapphic epithalamia and of Greek wedding songs in general. At its heart, however, are textual uncertainties that prevent a comprehensive engagement with this fragment. This article offers a thorough re- examination of its text and metre. It first revises available approaches and discusses fundamental problems underlying all of them. Then, it analyses the text of the fragment, which serves as a basis for a new interpretation of its metre and structure.

Konstantine Panegyres

Ioanna Patera


The term κειµήλιον is usually translated as treasure or heirloom. It would designate treasured precious objects conveying the memory and history of their past owners. In the Homeric poems, the κειµήλια are signs of the wealth and status of those who own them. They are described as many and beautiful, stored in the treasures of palaces. They are given as valued gifts to new or old friends and as ransoms. Κειµήλια do not, moreover, form a definite category of specific types of objects. Their value becomes clear in the hierarchy of prizes awarded in contests. Heroes look after them and travel to collect them. The uses of the κειµήλια and of the various terms used according to circumstances to connote memory (µνήµατα), gift giving (δῶρα), or possession and profit (κτήµατα/ κτέανα) allow reconsidering the category of the κειµήλια as well as the behaviour of the Homeric heroes.

Cave hominem

Critical Reflections on the Treatment of Domestic Animals in Pseudo-Oppian’s Cynegetica

Sean E. McGrath


This article explores two episodes from Pseudo-Oppian’s Cynegetica which both feature domestic animals: the horse in 1.239-270 and the dog in 4.354-376. Both of these episodes are highly intertextual, alluding to, respectively, Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus and the abduction narratives from Moschus’ Europa and the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. I argue that the poet of the Cynegetica invites his readers to reflect on the potentially problematic nature of the power dynamic for these animals through sophisticated allusions to the poetic tradition, through which the relationship between man and animal is compared to that between the gods and humans.

John Hilton


This article examines the discourse of Charmides, an army general attempting to suppress the banditry of the boukoloi in the Nile delta, about the analgesic power of the breath of elephants fed on the ‘black rose of India’ in Achilles Tatius’ novel, Leucippe and Clitophon (4.2-5). It explores the narrative context, the characterization of the military commander, the use of elephants as moral exempla for human behaviour, and the sub-text of Charmides’ speech. It considers how the discourse of the general relates to the theme of Plato’s dialogue, Charmides—sōphrosynē (sexual restraint)—and argues that Charmides’ account of the elephant and the ‘black rose of India’ are best understood as extended metaphors that are designed to coerce Leucippe into having sexual relations with him.

Daniel W. Leon


Arrian is unique in presenting Alexander’s invasion of Scythia as a failure. He does so to highlight a change in Alexander’s behavior after he has successfully procured sovereignty over Persia and to announce the moral themes of the second half of the Anabasis. To accomplish this goal, Arrian establishes a close intertextual relationship with Herodotus, borrowing vocabulary and narrative techniques from the earlier historian in order to encourage a comparison between Alexander and a series of famous Persian despots. Arrian emphasizes Alexander’s transgression of natural boundaries and disregard for divine law, thereby entangling his narrative of Alexander’s campaigns with Herodotus’ portraits of Darius and Cyrus in particular. By aligning his subject matter with that of Herodotus, Arrian also claims a place in the historical tradition as a new Herodotus.

Michael Chase


Like Damascius’ ἅλµατα or leaps, al-Naẓẓām’s (died ca. 849 CE) doctrine of the leap (Arabic ṭafra) seems to be an attempt to respond to Zeno’s paradoxes of motion. After a survey of these paradoxes and Aristotle’s responses to them, I discuss some points of resemblance between the physical doctrines of Damascius and al-Naẓẓām. To explain them, I adopt Richard Sorabji’s suggestion of an historical influence by Damascius on al-Naẓẓām. After surveying objections to Sorabji’s thesis, I make use of new paleographical discoveries to suggest that after Justinian’s closure of the Platonic School of Athens, the last Neoplatonic philosophers may have taken the library of the School of Athens—including the ancestors of the core manuscripts of the Collection Philosophique—to the court of Ḫosrow I Anūšīrwān at Ctesiphon ca. 531 CE, where some texts that were the models of this Collection—which includes works by Damascius—may have been translated into Persian. This provides a new possible avenue by which al-Naẓẓām and other early Islamic theologians may have had access to some elements of late Greek philosophy even before the beginnings of the great translation movement sponsored by al-Maʿmūn (r. 813-833 CE).

Daniel Kölligan


This article reviews Andreas Willi’s study of the history and prehistory of the Greek and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) verbal system which tries to put the data of one of the ‘classical’ languages of PIE reconstruction back onto the centre stage after much attention has been given to Anatolian (Hittite, etc.) and Tocharian in recent decades. It argues that in the earliest reconstructable phase PIE had ergative alignment and that the switch to nominative-accusative alignment triggered a series of changes leading to the distribution of stem formations found in Greek and other ancient PIE languages (root aorists, reduplicated aorists and presents, thematic aorists and presents, s-aorists and s-futures, etc.). The review tries to show that the study presents a series of thought-provoking and well-argued hypotheses, while with its focus on prehistory its philological analyses tend to rely on a few chosen examples.

Wei Cheng


This paper aims to clarify Plato’s notions of the natural and the neutral state in relation to hedonic properties. Contra two extreme trends among scholars—people either conflate one state with the other, or keep them apart as to establish an unsurmountable gap between both states, I argue that neither view accurately reflects Plato’s position because the natural state is real and can coincide with the neutral state in part, whereas the latter, as an umbrella term, can also be realized in a non-natural condition. The clarification of the relation between the two states will shed light on the degree to which Plato admits and constrains the hedonic value for a good human life; further, this will call attention to some (not well explored) parallel thoughts in the medical tradition to which Plato is indebted.

Reimagining the Fall of Menander’s Cnemon

Aelian’s Rustic Epistle 15

Emilio Capettini

Vergilius Astronomiae Ignarus?

A Vindication of Virgil’s Astronomical Knowledge in Georgics 1.231-258

Frederik A. Bakker


Both in antiquity and today Virgil is sometimes accused of ignorance in astronomy. This paper argues that, on the contrary, Virgil’s treatment of astronomical topics in Georgics 1.231-258 shows that he was quite familiar with the subject, and was able (when he wished to) to combine information from different sources (Aratus, Eratosthenes and other, unidentified ones) into a sensible and harmonious whole. On the other hand, the omission of essential steps between the various parts of his account, and the deliberate confusion of science and myth show us that his ultimate aim was not to inform the ignorant but to amuse and surprise readers who were just as familiar with astronomy as Virgil himself.

What Is the Weather Like According to Germanicus?

Two Emendations to Germ. fr. 4 Gain

Adalberto Magnavacca

Cristina Guardiano and Melita Stavrou


This paper investigates aspects of adjectival modification in Romance and Greek of Southern Italy. In Italiot Greek, prenominal adjectives obey restrictions that do not exist in Standard Modern Greek, where all types of adjectives are allowed in prenominal position. As far as postnominal adjectives are concerned, in the textual tradition of Calabria Greek there is evidence of postnominal adjectives systematically articulated in definite nominal structures (henceforth DP s), in a structure similar to the so-called polydefinite construction that is typical of Standard Modern Greek (and of Greek in general since ancient times). Some residual evidence of such a construction is also found in Salento. Yet, in the varieties currently spoken in the two areas, postnominal adjectives are never articulated. The paper explores these patterns, with particular attention to the mechanisms potentially responsible for the loss of polydefiniteness.

Ezra la Roi


This paper challenges the commonly held view that the Classical Greek potential optative has a subjective epistemic semantics, the result of a conceptual confusion of subjectivity and epistemic modality inherited from our standard grammars. I propose that this view becomes less convincing when the optative’s unique interaction with the subjective particles ἦ and ἄρα is incorporated into the analysis. Rather, the potential optative has a non-subjective epistemic semantics presenting an epistemic judgment as interpersonally accessible to the conversational participants. Frequencies of combination with ἦ and ἄρα, linguistic tests for subjectivity on the potential optative, and contrastive contextual analyses corroborate this view.

From the editors

A new year, a new issue

Dag T.T. Haug, Brian D. Joseph and Anna Roussou

Francesco Mambrini


We study the distribution of the nominal and copular construction of predicate nominals in a subset of authors from the Ancient Greek Dependency Treebank (AGDT). We concentrate on the texts of the historians Herodotus, Thucydides (both 5th century BCE) and Polybius (2nd century BCE). The data comprise a sample of 440 sentences (Hdt = 175, Thuc = 91, Pol = 174). We analyze the impact of four features that have been discussed in the literature and can be observed in the annotation of AGDT: (1) order of constituents, (2) part of speech of the subjects, (3) type of clause and (4) length of the clause. Furthermore, we test how the predictive power of these factors varies in time from Herodotus and Thucydides to Polybius with the help of a logistic-regression model. The analysis shows that, contrary to a simplistic opinion, the nominal construction does not drop into irrelevance in Hellenistic Greek. Moreover, an analysis of the distributions in the authors highlights a remarkable continuity in the usage patterns. Further work is needed to improve the predictive power of our logistic-regression model and to integrate more data in view of a more comprehensive quantitative diachronic study.

Being Good Towards the People or the Democracy?

The Formulation of Fifth-Century BCE Honorific Decrees

Andrea Giannotti


In this paper I investigate the formulaic language of fifth-century BCE honorific decrees and the extent to which the Athenians used specifically democratic language: were men honoured for benefiting the city or specifically the democracy? Despite the general belief that the rhetorical formula ‘being good towards the demos’ had a democratic meaning, consideration of all the readable fifth-century BCE honorific decrees demonstrates that a standard formula to indicate the addressee of the benefits did not exist; rather, it is apparent that honorific decrees enacted under the democracy used indifferently the formulae ‘being good towards the demos’, ‘being good towards the polis’ and ‘being good towards the Athenians’. Moreover, a final consideration of an oligarchic honorific decree will show that oligarchs were perhaps more careful with their language (avoiding ‘demos’ and preferring ‘polis’) than the democrats might have been.

Daemons in the Cave

Plutarch on Plato and the Limits of Politics

Mauro Bonazzi


The aim of the paper is to provide a unitary reading of Plutarch’s De genio Socratis by concentrating on the character of Epameinondas. Against those who claim that the philosophical speeches are the main theme of the dialogue, it is argued that Epameinondas, one of the speakers, also plays an active role in the liberation of Thebes. Against those who insist on the political action alone, it is shown that Epameinondas’ commitment is not the same as that of the other conspirators. His goal—like that of Plato and Socrates (as they are represented in the text)—is to take care of his fellow citizens, and lead them to moral virtue, in accordance with the divine order. This idea may appear piously unrealistic, but it clearly illustrates the merits and limits of Plato’s political philosophy.

Alexandra Madeła


The Orphic Argonautica features a scene involving a group of Sirens. Their number is assumed to be two, since the text mentions one each throwing away a flute and a lyre. This paper argues that the author leaves open the possibility and even hints that there are in fact three Sirens, one of whom holds no instrument. This conclusion is supported by numerous—both literary and artistic—representations of three Sirens, which include one bare-handed such creature and two holding flute and lyre. It also finds confirmation in an allusion to an epigram by Antipater about three Muses, as well as some intra-textual parallels. The final part of the article discusses the implications of this ambiguity, such as reconciling the Homeric tradition of two Sirens with the number of three that was current in the author’s lifetime, but also allowing for an allegorical reading of the episode.

Justin Arft


This essay explores the death of Odysseus in the Telegony and the Odyssey through the diction of agnoēsis (nonrecognition) and anagnōrisis (recognition). Agnoēsis is a motif in the stories of both Telegonus and the death of Odysseus, allowing the Odyssey’s presentation of agnoēsis to reference the Telegony tradition. Moreover, the deadly consequences of agnoēsis are inimical to the Odyssey’s vision of Odysseus’s kleos, and Odysseus’s death in the Telegony results in an alternative vision of his immortality. Examination of these contrasts between traditions sheds light on how the Odyssey negotiated dissonant elements from the Telegony tradition to enhance its own meaning.

Jonathan S. Burgess


The topic is the burial of the corpse of Odysseus at Aeaea in the Telegony. I argue that in the Cyclic epic the corpse is buried at an Aeaea localized in Italy. The prophecy of Tiresias in Odyssey 11 may allude to some version of the Telegonus story, but the Homeric epic largely discounts such epichoric legends about Odysseus. Correspondences and differences between the Odyssey and the Telegony result from independent self-positioning within traditional Odyssean myth.

Jonathan S. Burgess

Jonathan L. Ready


The Odyssey ends with a battle between Odysseus’s household and the suitors’ relatives. This article first defamiliarizes the presence and course of the battle by reviewing relevant mythographic and folkloristic comparanda. It then argues that the battle makes two important contributions to the return of the Odyssey’s Odysseus.

Joel P. Christensen


This article approaches the relationship between the Odyssey’s nostos and other Nostoi from the perspective of the epic’s treatment of Cassandra. In doing so, I emphasize two perspectives. First, rather than privileging either “lost” poems or our extant epic as primary in a “vertical” relationship, I assume a horizontal dynamic wherein the reconstructed poems and the Odyssey influenced each other. Second, I assume that, since little can be said with certainty about lost poems, references to other traditions attest primarily to the compositional methods and the poetics of our extant poem. After outlining the major narrative features of the story of Cassandra that were likely available to Homeric audiences, I argue that the suppression of her story in the Odyssey is both part of the epic’s strategy to celebrate Odysseus and Penelope and a feature of the enforcement of a male-dominated ideology.

Benjamin Sammons


Several poems of the Epic Cycle (especially the Little Iliad and the Nostoi) have a strong interest in the figure of the epigone, as does the Odyssey. Reconstruction of these cyclic epics suggests the operation of narrative conventions that are found to be pointedly inverted in the Homeric poem and thoroughly perverted in the cyclic Telegony.

Kevin Solez


The journey of Paris from Sparta to Troy and the journey of Menelaus from Troy to Sparta are narrative doublets that feature in the Epic Cycle. Both men follow a typical and historical pattern of mobility between Greece and the Levant before reaching their destination. These similarities constitute a proleptic doublet, where Paris’s journey is a less elaborate iteration of a story pattern that appears again in the nostos of Menelaus. In our known epics, the doublets appear near the beginning of the Cypria and at the very end of the Nostoi.

W.V. Harris


The many scholars who have supposed that there were persons known as iatromanteis (healing-seers) who offered medical assistance in archaic and classical Greece have been in error—there was no such occupation. But manteis (seers) did sometimes offer medical advice in classical Greece, in addition to their other roles, especially—so it seems—during epidemics and to chronic patients, and notwithstanding the rise of Hippocratic medicine. The evidence to this effect is more extensive than is commonly realized.

Achilles Tatius and Chariton

Reflections and Refractions

Rachel Bird


This article will explore the nature of intertextuality between Achilles Tatius and Chariton, by focusing on key instances of Achilles Tatius’ reflection and refraction of Chariton’s second-marriage theme. By considering allusions on the level of character-narrator and author, and by looking at verbal and thematic connections between these two novels, a view of generic interplay will emerge. In turn, the full implications of how Achilles Tatius positions himself vis-à-vis Chariton, and the subversive intentions of the later author will be fully addressed. The article will contribute to the growing debate regarding intertextuality in the Greek novels, and will add weight to the idea that these authors had generic self-consciousness. The literary ambition and imaginative ability of Achilles Tatius is also a key aspect, which comes to the fore in this article.

‘Bring the Puppy here’

Sophron fr. 4A Hordern (PSI XI 1214a) and Hippocratic Gynaecology

Glyn Muitjens


As recent scholarship has demonstrated, the Hippocratic treatises include many ritual elements. Taking this blurred boundary between medicine and ritual as a starting point, I will focus on a particular operation in the Hippocratic treatise Barrenness (Steril. 18.3)—which stands out because of the exceptional specificity of the procedure described. I wish to argue that this specificity can be best accounted for by comparing the procedure to a ritual described in Sophron’s fragment 4A. Reading these texts together and pointing out their correspondences not only helps in explaining the procedure in Steril. 18.3 more satisfactorily than has been done to date, but also allows me to propose a new interpretation of the title of Sophron 4A and the contents of its ritual.

A Dream on Trial

The Contest of Oracular Interpretations and Authorities in Hyperides’ In Defence of Euxenippus

Rebecca Van Hove


This paper re-examines Hyperides’ speech In Defence of Euxenippus as evidence for the role of divination in fourth-century BCE Athens. The oration recounts an occasion of oracular divination through incubation at Amphiaraos’ sanctuary in Oropos, whereby the Athenian Assembly ordered individuals to undergo incubation to resolve an issue concerning land ownership. This paper argues that Hyperides’ speech not only furnishes crucial evidence which broadens our understanding of divination beyond the famous oracle at Delphi, it also provides us with a valuable case study for the process of oracular consultation. The paper analyses the different stages of this process, including the selection of incubants, the nature of the dream received and the aftermath of incubation, demonstrating how the dream could be contested. It thereby sheds new light on the complexities of oracular transmission and interpretation, both of which are open to contestation as a result of the multiplicity of religious authority.

Highway to Hell

AP 11.23 = Antipater of Thessalonica 38 G-P

Robert A. Rohland

Is it Possible to Identify ‘Orality’?

Verb-Phrases ‘Auxiliary+Infinitive’ in Spoken (Late) Latin

Paola Francesca Moretti


First, based on analysis of some—mostly late—Latin texts that positively reflect actual oral delivery, I present some remarks on structure and frequency of Verb-Phrases ‘auxiliary+infinitive’ as arguable markers of ‘orality’ in Latin. Second, I examine the occurrence of these Verb-Phrases in some works by Ambrose of Milan and show that, on the one hand, the investigation of Verb-Phrases might support the view that the De sacramentis and Explanatio symboli are unrevised catecheses, but, on the other hand, it is of no help in the conjecture of the degree of elaboration undergone by those works that, stemming from an oral homiletic delivery, were later revised in view of publication.

Jaroslav Daneš


Many scholars in the past thought that in the Suppliant Women Euripides rejected war in principle; they supported their views with reference to the spatial and visual prominence of the suffering mothers of the war dead on the stage and to three passages in which peace or an inactive life are celebrated and argued for. In this paper I focus on the rhetoric of peace and quietism in those three passages, which were recited and spoken by the Theban Herald and Adrastus, respectively. I will try to demonstrate that Euripides subverted their protestations of peace either by exposure of the manipulation of the rhetoric of peace or by putting them into an apparently unfitting frame. If this is proved then what is known as the pacifist’s interpretation remains unsupported.

Graziano Ranocchia


Philodemus’ Systematic Arrangement of the Philosophers is witnessed only once in Greek literature (D.L. 10.3). This notwithstanding, several Herculaneum papyri have been assigned to it on various grounds. However, these assignments rest on varying degrees of probability, not least because the name of the author and the title of the work do not survive in any of these books. PHerc. 327, which hands down the so-called [History of the Eleatic and the Atomistic Schools], represents the first such case. I was able to detect its end-title for the first time and to read the name of its author, who is confirmed to be Philodemus. This increases the probability that also other three books which have historically been assigned to this treatise, and whose hands show a close likeness to each other and to PHerc. 327, effectively belong to it, thereby reinforcing the current communis opinio about its internal arrangement.

Georgia Sermamoglou-Soulmaidi


Review of the translation and commentary on Plato’s Euthydemus by Michael Erler.

Elizabeth Minchin


It is well recognized amongst psychologists that individuals exhibit not one but multiple intelligences (Gardner 1993). Perhaps the most conspicuous of these, especially in interpersonal contexts, is emotional intelligence: that ability to understand and predict one’s own emotions, and those of others, and to use this information to guide one’s thinking and behaviour (Mayer, Salovey and Caruso 2008). Although the Odyssean Odysseus is known for his ability to think his way out of difficult situations, his problem-solving ability is not his only distinguishing cognitive attribute. This paper begins with a brief discussion of emotional intelligence and its scope. I then observe how the poet, through his narrative, reveals this ability in Odysseus: his emotional intelligence serves the hero well in some social situations but (as happens to us all) fails him in others. I shall argue, with reference to a number of examples, that the poet has an implicit understanding of emotional intelligence; that he uses his hero’s uneven performance with respect to this ability as a motivating factor in his development of the plot; and that this attribute of Odysseus, along with his craftiness, is what makes this character—and ultimately this story—so engaging.

Disturbingly (Dis)Similar

Narcissus and Claudius in Seneca, Apocolocyntosis 13

Kathrin Winter


In Apocolocyntosis 13 the figure of Narcissus is not a minor character with a solely ornamental function but part of a complex play of echoes, repetitions, and similarities. Exploiting the fact that this particular freedman of Claudius was named Narcissus, Seneca turns the figure into a mirror image of Claudius and uses it to make subtle intertextual allusions. In this way, he destabilises the identities of Claudius and Narcissus to ridicule Claudius even further and expose him as a weak and cruel princeps who is unable to recognise himself.

Denis Michael Searby


The Hellenistic and early Imperial evidence of χρεία (chreia) in the sense of anecdote is summarized with the aim of completeness. The special rhetorical sense of this common Greek word is discussed, and a new explanation of the semantic derivation is offered: it is suggested that the sense of anecdote derives from the earlier sense of dealings rather than utility. The proposal that Metrocles or the Cynics invented the micro-genre of chreiai is strongly criticized. It is to the Socratics more generally we should look for its origins, if the genre must be supposed to have originated among philosophers, which is not certain.

A Horn for Phemius

Cicero, Atticus, and the Musical Culture of the Late Republican Elite

Harry Morgan


In 51 BC, Titus Pomponius Atticus wrote to his friend Cicero with an unusual request: his musician Phemius needed a new instrument—a special ‘horn’ (κέρας) that could only be found in the region of Cilicia where Cicero was serving as governor. Several months later, the object in question was finally tracked down and an order placed. What exactly was this elusive piece of musical exotica, and why was Atticus so eager to get his hands on it? This article states a case for identifying Phemius’ κέρας with the Phrygian aulos/tibia, a species of pipe noted for its resonant ox-horn bell. Atticus’ acquisition of the ‘Phrygian pipe’ provides a revealing counterpoint to the often stereotyped depictions of musical entertainment (symphoniae) that we find in contemporary literature. It therefore presents an effective model for re-evaluating the place of musical culture in late Republican elite society.

Lucretius on the Divine

DRN 3.17-30, 5.1161-93, and 6.68-79

Chris Eckerman


I provide a new interpretation of DRN 3.17-30 and 6.68-79, reading 3.17-30 in relation to Epicurus’ teachings on the mental construction of gods and 6.68-79 in relation to popular religion. I also review 5.1161-1193, discussing the evidence that the passage provides for the idealist and realist theses.

Cătălin Enache


The paper discusses the ontology and the meteorology of Hippocrates’ On Regimen. The first part presents the elemental theory of fire and water which is based on the elemental powers movement and nutrition, and on the elemental properties warm, cold, wet, and dry. The main claim in this part is that the dualist theory of elements was meant by the Hippocratic author as a comprehensive explanation of the world. The second part presents the metaphysical foundations of meteorology. In On Regimen, natural environment has a considerable impact on human health; the theoretical basis of this interaction is given by the power of nature to transfer its elemental properties to living beings and man.

Nicholas Lane

The Trouble with Calasiris

Duplicity and Autobiographical Narrative in Heliodorus and Galen

Lawrence Kim


In this article, I take a new look at the problem of Calasiris’ ‘duplicity’ as depicted in the long autobiographical narrative he delivers to Cnemon in Books 2-5 of Heliodorus’ Aethiopica. A close parallel for Calasiris’ self-presentation can be found in an unlikely source: the medical case histories of the doctor Galen. Through a comparison of Calasiris’ narrative with those of Galen, I demonstrate that both narrators employ similar ‘deceptive’ strategies to showcase their observational and deductive skills to their audience. Calasiris’ foregrounding of such ‘rational’ methods and his downplaying of the prophetic power that others attribute to him suggest that, despite the Aethiopica’s religious trappings, its ideal reader is a secular one.

Jonathan P. Zarecki


In sections 34-35 of the First Philippic, Cicero makes a powerful threat against Antony by engaging in allusive role-play that makes dual use of Marcus Antonius orator as an exemplum. Cicero first declares himself Antonius to Antony’s Cinna, thus acknowledging the limitations of rhetoric in the face of violence and indicating that he is prepared to accept a martyr’s role. Second, Cicero invites conflation of himself with Marius/Cinna and Antony to his grandfather Antonius, thereby declaring that Cicero had decided to oppose Antony and work towards Antony’s destruction. This role-play represents not only a powerful warning to Antony, but also a sign of Cicero’s change in attitude towards Antony, an attitudinal change reinforced by Cicero’s wordplay on reversio. The allusive threats in sections 34-35 also indicate that Cicero had decided by no later than 2 September 44, and not with the dissemination of the Second Philippic, that there would be no reconciliation between himself and Antony.

Fausto Montana


Alexander of Cotiaeum, the cultivated sophistes and one among the teachers of Aelius Aristides and Marcus Aurelius, distinguished himself in linguistic and literary studies, teaching, and cultural communication. Though without achieving brilliant results, he also engaged in some of the questions previously discussed by the most learned scholars. This cultural figure displays some typicality with respect to the average educated personalities (grammatikoi) of the Antonine renaissance. However, current studies are revealing a possible specificity of Alexander’s role: his influence, by way of educational approach, on the making of literary trends and models (canons) of the concurrent high culture, between New Sophistic and Atticism. This paper focuses on the very philological side (diorthosis, or textual criticism) of the composite and complex intellectual profile of Alexander.

Stefano Valente


The Compendium on Physics (Epitome physica) by the Byzantine theologian and philosopher Nikephoros Blemmydes (13th cent.) was a very successful textbook on Natural Philosophy containing a summary of physics, meteorology and astronomy. This compendium was also conceived for being used as support for teaching. For his purposes, Blemmydes combined passages taken from different sources into a new text: Aristotle and his commentators as well as Cleomedes were his main sources. Since a manuscript with an earlier version of the text still survives, it is also possible to go deeper into the workshop of this Byzantine author and to investigate the use of the sources in both textual stages. This paper will therefore be devoted to analysing the inner structure of the Epitome physica and Blemmydes’ activity as an author.

Lorenzo Miletti


The article offers an overview of the testimonies about Aelius Aristides’ reception in the didactic context of the late antique schools of rhetoric. After analysing the major issues relating Aristides’ presence in the rhetorical treatises (Hermogenes, Menander rhetor, the ps.-Aristidean ars), the paper focuses in particular on the (lost) commentaries to his mostly widespread works, namely the Panathenaic and the Platonic orations. From the scholia to these speeches it is possible to obtain some information about how these commentaries were, though the annotations which can be attributed with certainty to specific commentators (Metrophanes, Menander, Athanasius, Sopater, and Zosimus) are scarce. In a last section of the paper, some encomia featuring in Libanius’ epistle 1262 and Synesius’ Dio are discussed as far as they resonate with some remarks on Aristides’ style found in scholia, prolegomena, and in rhetorical treatises.

Dario Luongo


In this paper we examine some treatises about interpretatio iuris that encode the methodology of the Italian ‘scuola del commento’, from the end of the Middle Ages onwards. Those writings reaffirm the primacy of the mens or sensus over the verba of the law. In all these treatises, the law is considered the expression of ratio rather than of the voluntas principis: therefore, its efficacy must be addressed by means of specific and different jurisprudential work. We illustrate this methodology through a detailed analysis of the treatises by C. Rogerio, B. Cepolla, S. Federici, P. A. Gammaro.

Giancarlo Abbamonte


Scholars have lengthy debated on the originality of the humanistic commentary on the classical authors with respect to the medieval commentaries on the same authors. If the question can be regarded as still open for the works written in the first half of the 15th century, the birth of the printing determined a dramatic change in the contents and the form of the commentaries. From the point of view of the content the humanists are much more interested in the different readings transmitted by the manuscripts, whilst the printing allows both to have different layouts of the commentaries and to insert new tools as indexes and page numbers for consulting them. The present paper will present the new aspects of the printed commentaries and will try to explain the reasons which produced each change.

Vito Lorusso


This article aims at mapping the scholia on the first lines from Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics A 1. It offers the first edition of the scholia on 71a1–21 from Vaticanus Gr. 241 (13th century), Laurentianus 72,3 (second half of the 13th century) and Laurentianus 72,4 (second half of the 13th / beginning of the 14th century). Appendix II and III present the content of a brief writing of Psellus about the Aristotelian Organon and the Praefatio to the Latin translation of Themistius’ Paraphrasis to Posterior Analytics written by Hermolaus Barbarus in the 15th century.

Tommaso Raiola

Mariella Menchelli


Proclus’ Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus has been preserved in several manuscripts from the IX to the XVI centuries and in a paper scroll of the XI century, Patmos Eileton 897, containing two large parts of Book III (on the world’s body, on the recto, and on the world’s soul, on the verso of the scroll) and a large corpus of scholia vetera to it. This paper aims to examine the two main branches of the tradition of the Commentary and to give some observations on the exegetical apparatus to Proclus in the different forms of scholia figurata (and/or schemata), exegetical scholia, scholia to Proclus.

Cristina Pepe


This paper examines the tradition of rhetorical exegesis on technical works – namely on Hermogenes’ treatises – flourished from the third century AD onwards. A focus on the evidence preserved proves the exegetes’ preference for the commentary format and the significant similarities in the structure and arrangement of the material with other exegetical literature of the same period. Moreover, by discussing further the content and scope of these commentaries, their relationship with teaching practice will be argued.

Robin J. Greene


This study argues that Callimachus’ treatment of his ‘animal-voiced’ contemporaries at the conclusion of the fable in Iamb 2 reflects zoological and physiognomic practices so as to represent the poetic narrator as a taxonomist of men. Elsewhere the classification of men as if they were flora or fauna appears, like fable itself, in distinctly moral and ethical contexts, as, for example, in Theophrastus’ Characters. Callimachus’ formulation of his narrator as a taxonomist who classifies ‘species’ of men based upon their literary ‘voices’ thus plays with modes of invective new to iambos while uniting moral criticism with literary polemic.

A Dialogic Soliloquy?

On Polyxena’s Conversational Behaviour in E. Hec. 415-422

Gunther Martin


In Euripides’ Hecuba, both the scholia and modern interpreters detect a failure of communication in the farewell scene between the protagonist and Polyxena—though the scholiast names Polyxena as the source of the non-dialogue, whereas the modern commentators claim that neither character is engaging. This paper aims, firstly, by a slight redistribution of lines, to restore coherence to the dialogue. Secondly, it argues that it is Hecuba’s rather than Polyxena’s conversational behaviour that impedes the smooth progress of the dialogue. Polyxena is even the one trying to reintegrate her mother into the dialogue. Her linguistic behaviour thus matches her composed and ‘heroic’ overall conduct.

Emotional Rescue

The Usefulness of Danger in Hellenistic and Roman Epigraphy

Jason Moralee


Individuals, city-states, and small-scale communities of worshippers memorialized instances when they were rescued from danger. They did so in a variety of ways, from staging fictional accounts of danger and deliverance to the public praise of local patriots and annual festivals in honor of gods and goddesses for their roles in saving the community. This article examines the significance of epigraphic narratives of endangerment and rescue from the third century BC to the third century AD. It argues that these inscriptions joined individuals into an emotional community of those whose lives had been touched by the gods. These epigraphic narratives point to the social significance of having a status as one rescued by the gods. Talking about one’s own weakness, vulnerability, and misfortune was a key way for individuals and poleis to claim rights and privileges within communities, between them, and across time.

Mirjam E. Kotwick and Christian Pfeiffer


In Metaphysics 2.2, 994b21-27 Aristotle comments on how it is possible to think something that is infinitely divisible. Given that Aristotle denies elsewhere that it is possible to think an infinite number of items the passage offers important evidence for Aristotle’s positive account of how one can think something that is infinite. However, Aristotle’s statement in Metaphysics 2.2 has puzzled interpreters since antiquity. This puzzlement has been partly due to a textual problem in the passage. In this paper we first restore the original reading of Metaph. 2.2, 994b25-26 by making use of the evidence in Alexander of Aphrodisias’s commentary and second make sense of the restored passage by interpreting it in light of Aristotle’s thoughts on the infinite in Physics 3 and 8.