Terje Mikael Hasle Joranger
Ethnic identity formation is the result of a process wherein the migrant combines both pre-existing values and attitudes and present experiences of the same group and its relations with other groups. This article discusses identity formation among Norwegian immigrants in the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In other words, how did Norwegian immigrants arriving from a homogeneous society develop a separate identity in the multicultural society of the United States, and to what factors can we attribute this development? In a cultural process of change called ‘ethnicisation’, immigrants were transformed from the status of ‘foreigners’ to become ‘ethnics’, that is ‘Norwegian-Americans’. Identity is thus connected to the term ‘ethnicity’, and I will first present different perspectives on the term ethnicity, followed by a short summary of Norwegian migration patterns to the United States up until the early twentieth century. I will end the article by discussing components that explain the existence of a Norwegian-American identity.
The data obtained from Chile and Palestine suggests that there was only one significant immigration wave from Palestine to Chile – from the end of the nineteenth century until the First World War. This immigration was enabled by favourable global conditions such as available and reliable transportation, rather than being provoked by the exceptional hardship alleged to have occurred during those years.
Palestinian immigration was chain migration: family members followed those who had immigrated earlier. Nonetheless, these were relatively short chains, which included only a handful of links. Those who arrived from Bethlehem and Bayt-Jala tended to marry Palestinian partners. These partners probably also stemmed from the same towns. Palestinians who arrived from other places often found local partners.
Agar and Saffie have already demonstrated that the number of Palestinians in Chile is far fewer than the 350,000 suggested by Baeza, not to mention the 500,000 indicated by less credible sources. Yet, Agar and Saffie dealt with descendants, which is merely a technical term indicating someone with at least one Arab great-grandparent. It seems very difficult to determine to what extent such people identify themselves with their Arab or Palestinian origins. Therefore, the number of those who consider themselves Chileans of Palestinian origin is lower than 50,000, but how large precisely can only be speculated.
This article aims to examine the practices for policing emigration from Portugal. In particular, the police culture associated with the surveillance and repression of the activities of emigration intermediaries – passage and passport agents – in the first years of the Portuguese dictatorship (1933–1939) will be analysed. In a context of organised departures in a still liberalised market, we will see how the political police, the Polícia de Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado (pvde – State Defence and Surveillance Police), became the main entity responsible for dealing with the activities of these agents and how it carried out its duties, taking into account its relation to the political and ideological purposes of the Portuguese dictatorship.
Klas Rönnbäck, Stefan Öberg and Stefania Galli
This article examines the economic incentives for Europeans to migrate to the so-called ‘white man’s grave’ of West Africa. Ignorance and coercion have been proposed as explanations for migration to high mortality areas. We use data on the Royal African Company and their European employees on the Gold Coast during the period 1707–1740. We found that the employees received a premium above the wage they would have received in England. Economic reasons might therefore have swayed the decision to migrate. Nevertheless, the wage premium was low in relation to the very high risk of dying. The migrating men either placed a low value on their own lives, or did not understand the risks they were facing.
Labour migration was a hallmark of the openness of socialist Yugoslavia towards the West. By the early 1970s, more than one million Yugoslav citizens lived abroad, two thirds of them in the Federal Republic of Germany. This article argues that the so-called Gastarbeiter (guestworkers) migration a headache for the communist regime because the Gastarbeiter embodied structural shortcomings of the economy, especially its inability to provide enough jobs. Left-wing student protesters in 1968, critical film-makers and intellectuals claimed that out-migration was a consequence of inequality and alienation in the country. In this article, I focus on representations of the Gastarbeiter in the press in the 1960s and 1970s, arguing that constant reporting reminded readers of unsolved problems of the country. Out-migration and its criticism highlighted the pitfalls of the country’s integration into the capitalist world economy.
This article provides a business perspective of the role of transport companies in directing transatlantic refugees during the First World War. It details the financial, administrative and logistical barriers that stranded Americans faced at the outbreak of the war. It discusses how authorities, NGOs and especially shipping companies organised the transportation of approximately 150,000 people in a matter of weeks along the well-oiled business networks which transported millions of migrants across the Atlantic. This is compared with the attempts to transfer Belgian refugees across the Atlantic throughout the war. Shipping companies used, in part, strategies similar to those of NGOs to gain authority in directing refugees, yet they saw them as a business opportunity which also explains the differences. It highlights that the dynamics between refugees, authorities, NGOs and transport companies shape migration policies, and argues that those companies should be integrated much more into migration governance studies. The article concludes that transport companies’ expert and logistical know-how made them indispensable actors in implementing migration policies, even when their business interests were severely threatened by wartime mobility restrictions.
This article analyses the role of NGOs in the decision-making process of EU legislation on asylum and migration. It shows that during the first phase NGOs struggled to benefit from the Europeanisation of migration policy. The Commission and European Parliament were the most receptive to the lobbying activities of NGOs but they had only little influence themselves. NGOs faced many difficulties in being able to follow and influence the Council negotiations. As the institutional context of that time had made the Council extremely powerful, the final outcome of the ngo lobbying was close to zero. Their shift towards outsider tactics by using their moral authority did not mobilise the public either. The Europeanisation of asylum and migration nevertheless provides NGOs with additional avenues to use their expert and logistical authority. The current institutional context has strengthened their possibilities, though the political climate and the revival of intergovernmental methods constrain their success.
Marlou Schrover, Teuntje Vosters and Irial Glynn
Social and political scientists are involved in an extensive but inconclusive debate about the role of international nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) in European migration governance. The European Union (EU) and NGOs work under the assumption that NGOs are crucial to migration governance and yet the role of NGOs is not clear. The EU has invested time and money in its attempts to involve NGOs more actively in migration governance, but it does so without much knowledge of how ngos in the past have influenced migration governance, and thus with no idea if the current investments are worthwhile. In this article, which is the introduction to the special issue on this subject, we take a closer look at the NGOs involved in West European migration in the period from the 1860s until the present day in order to understand the changing role of NGOs in migration governance in Europe. Providing moral, logistical and expert authority in a purportedly impartial way, NGOs have added a dimension to migration governance that states cannot replicate. As a result, the number of NGOs has gradually increased and at times their influence has become significant. However, in providing a chronology of the involvement of NGOs in migration governance, we show that their influence on migration governance policies and practices has not been linear. During some windows of opportunity (e.g. in the immediate years following the First and Second World Wars and the Cold War), NGOs became more prominent and effective, while at other times (e.g. the 1930s), their importance waned. The presence and capacity of NGOs to contribute to migration governance depended on whether states, and increasingly after 1945, intergovernmental organisations such as the UN, needed them to further their own interests or to fulfil a role that they could not play.
Davide Gnes and Floris Vermeulen
In the analysis of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), legitimacy and legitimation are useful concepts because they bring to light the processes through which organisational entities justify their right to exist and their actions within a particular normative context. Theories of legitimacy underscore the moral basis of organisational power as grounded in the relationship between organisations and different kinds of audiences. In this article, we look at how those concepts and theories relate to the study of NGOs. Those theories not only help us understand how organisations establish themselves, strengthen their position and survive over time despite very limited material resources of their own, but also how organisations may build political power. In our review of the literature on organisational legitimacy, we focus on three main aspects of legitimacy: the conceptualisation of the term in organisational sociology, political sociology and political science; the constraining role of institutionalised normative contexts and competing audiences in the legitimation processes; the agentic role of organisations within both institutional and strategic contexts.
This article outlines how a refugee policy took shape in the liberal countries bordering Nazi Germany during the first half of the 1930s. In Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia and Switzerland, immigration policy had become much more restrictive by 1933 when the refugees from Germany applied for asylum and the necessity for a ‘side entrance’ for asylum seekers to these countries became apparent. The focus here is on the role of the Communist aid organisation, the Red Aid, in this endeavour. In comparison to the social-democratic aid organisations, the Red Aid was deficient, but most importantly it was an outsider to the political regime, while the Social-Democrats were part of the political regime. Still the authorities in all countries conceded by 1935 that German Communist refugees were more deserving than other unwanted immigrants who were expelled without much ado. This article argues that the campaigns of the Red Aid in the rather limited liberalisation of policy towards Communist refugees by 1935 did have some effect since their denouncement of the inhumane treatment of Communist refugees led these liberal polities to restrain themselves in their treatment of these most ‘undeserving’ of refugees.
Dimitris Parsanoglou and Yannis Papadopoulos
The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (icem) was founded in 1952 to manage the migration of migrants and refugees of European origin to overseas countries. Its foundation was part of the effort during the Post-war period to find supranational solutions to global problems and can be considered as the first to achieve ‘migration management’. icem was also part of the US propaganda mechanism during the Cold War aiming at proving the superiority of the ‘Free World’ to allocate human resources and streamlining the movement of refugees from Eastern Europe. To achieve this task icem collaborated closely with international organisations such as the ilo. At the same time, since its foundation it outsourced the process from registration to placement of immigrants and refugees to a series of national, international or religious voluntary organisations. The article tries to assess the process and the results of this collaboration during the first decade of icem’s operation.
NGOs were established in Sweden to help refugees from Nazi Germany. The government, dominated by Social Democrats, pursued a restrictive refugee policy and refugees were dependent on NGOs for support. The Labour Movement Refugee Relief, founded by the Social Democrats and the Trade Unions, used insider tactics and had strong expert and logistical authority. The Communist Red Aid pursued outsider tactics and relentlessly criticised the government. The Subscription for Exiled Intellectuals was an independent organisation that was critical of the official policy and yet had government ties. Important conclusions are that NGOs contributed to shape legislation and succeeded in securing state subsidies from 1939, but were unable to stop the increased restrictiveness from 1938 caused by the international refugee crisis. From 1943 onwards, many more refugees arrived and the state took financial responsibility. NGOs lost their crucial role. In general, the NGOs show very different characteristics due to their specific preconditions.
This article addresses the role played by Western non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in managing migration, with particular regard to refugees and refugee policy in the modern era. A commitment to the support and welfare of refugees has been a core component of the activity of many NGOs since the late nineteenth century. But this humanitarian purpose cannot be divorced from the prevailing refugee regime. The state acted as gatekeeper, determining who was recognised and protected as a refugee. The issue of funding available to NGOs is also closely linked to state-driven priorities. Nevertheless, NGOs are significant humanitarian actors in their own right. This article considers the proliferation of NGOs and their activities in the broad field of refugee relief. A focus on the evolution, rationale and differentiation of NGOs suggests that we can usefully think of them as enterprises of a distinct kind. Although they are not driven by profit motives, this article suggests that NGOs do have a business strategy in which their efficacy, innovation and accountability to donors are important considerations. It concludes by reaffirming the fundamental point that only in exceptional circumstances were NGOs seeking to assist refugees able to escape the fundamental constraints imposed by the state.
The Confino on Ponza and Ventotene during Italian Fascism and its Political Aftermath
Instead of preventing protest, deportations on political grounds could – under certain circumstances – help to spread dissent. Accordingly, the spaces deportees were sent became fertile ground for new coalitions. Analysing such spaces furthers our understanding of how resistance may be contained, dispersed and re-constituted. The main part of this article focuses on deportations to the Pontine Islands of Ponza and Ventotene under Italian Fascism. Under such conditions, new political ideas were elaborated. The genesis of the Ventotene Manifesto will be considered as a starting point for a genealogy that opens up alternative trajectories of development for another European Union and, indeed, for today’s understanding of democracy. If, today, Europe closes its borders, it destroys the idea behind such a vision of unification. Therefore, it is urgently necessary not only to recall the genesis of this manifesto, but also the authors’ experience of being refugees.
From its establishment in 1892 until the 1920s the largest Finnish ethnic church in the United States, the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, better known as the Suomi Synod, was among the staunchest defenders of Finnish language and culture. The synod built a network of Sunday and summer schools, coordinated by the Michigan-based Suomi College, that not only offered religious instruction but also spread the Finnish language and national romantic ideals to immigrant children. Tightening immigration laws and increasing demands for national unity in the 1920s led many immigrant institutions, including the ethnic Lutheran churches, to Americanisation. A debate concerning a language reform also started in the Suomi Synod, but was rejected by the nationalistic-minded wing. Adherence to the Finnish language alienated the younger generation and led to a drastic but temporary decline in the church’s membership.
Municipal Migration Levels in the Provinces of Flanders and Antwerp, 1796–1846
Nick Deschacht and Anne Winter
In this article we use new, unique data on population composition and socio-economic structure for the c. 670 municipalities of the Belgian provinces of East Flanders, West Flanders and Antwerp in 1796, 1815 and 1846, in order to gain insight into the changing patterns of local migration intensity from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. Although so-called micro-mobility is often disregarded in migration studies, this article argues that a spatial and diachronic analysis of local migration rates provides insight into the dynamics of social and economic change in relation to migration behaviour. The data show that the proportion of non-native residents varied strongly in accordance with different regional economies at the end of the eighteenth century, but that spatial variation declined markedly as overall migration rates converged on a higher average level by the mid-nineteenth century – leading to a re-interpretation of the mobility transition hypothesis.
England in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was no stranger to migrants and, inevitably, migrants were not always warmly received. They were often stigmatised for their perceived differences of language, religion and behaviour, and were blamed for a range of social ills including crime and low wages. In this article I examine print news reporting in six English port cities from c1850 to 1911. I focus on the ways in which crime reporting in particular characterised both offenders and victims, and the extent to which migrant origin was considered a relevant characteristic to report. It is argued that for the most part migrant origin was not widely mentioned in crime reports in regional newspapers, though there were periods when migrant origin was increasingly foregrounded and these coincided with times when migration to England was becoming increasingly politicised, especially before and immediately after the passing of the Aliens Act in 1905.
This article analyses the discourse surrounding diaspora in Charles Booth’s Life and Labour of the People in London, drawing upon the published volumes of that project and the unpublished notebooks used to record observations and interviews. It examines how Western and Southern European migrant groups in London were depicted in Charles Booth’s work at the turn of the twentieth century, comparing these depictions with those of the Irish Catholic and Jewish Diasporas. It focuses on four areas through which the concept of diaspora was interrogated in Life and Labour – through ideas of territory, economic roles, criminality, and the nature of transnational institutions. It will examine patterns of settlement, interactions with the host society, ideas of belonging, and why between 1890 and 1914 Western and Southern European diasporas failed to attract the attention or the opprobrium so apparent in the discourse on Irish and Jewish migrants.
Social networks are crucial factors for refugees and consequently have become an important area of research. They are complex social phenomena that should not be regarded simply as the mere sum of relationships but should rather be seen as the structure of interrelating ties. By combining sociological approaches with methods of biographical research, this study explores the meaning structure of networks built by three Austrian refugees who fled to Australia in 1938/1939. It describes empirically how their expectations influenced transactions, how networks emerged out of dyadic relationships, the role the individual refugees played in that process, and how interwar networks influenced the refugees in setting up networks in Australia. The article also questions how refugees used their networks to cope with their escape and their integration into a new homeland, and how their forced migration influenced identities and relationships in networks.
In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments’ different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.
Between 1825 and 1960 900,000 Norwegians emigrated. Before 1930 more than 95 per cent went to the United States. The rate of return to Norway was low in comparison to many other nations who sent large numbers to the US after 1880. High quality census enumerations in both countries, that are now available in electronic format, allow the possibility of reconstructing the lives and voyages of some of these migrants. Even with a low rate of return-migration there were more than 50,000 return migrants. Constructing a large sample of return migrants observed in both Norway and the US becomes more feasible with electronic search and matching strategies. This article gives an overview of available and soon forthcoming sources in the North Atlantic Population Project, the possibility of electronic linkages, and the challenges of this research strategy. Using a group of 448 Norwegian migrants matched between the 1900 American and 1910 Norwegian census, an empirical analysis shows that migration and marital transitions were likely to have been closely linked. Machine-linked records hold the promise of being able to trace several thousand Norwegians across the Atlantic and back again.
Both the completed transcription of our emigration protocols and the construction of the Norwegian national Historical Population Register, among other developments, make an article about methods for studying emigration from Norway through the last couple of centuries topical. This article starts by discussing the Norwegian and American sources through which we can identify the emigrants’ absence from Norway. In particular, it focuses attention on groups that are difficult to follow because of international migration, and the consequences this has for emigration statistics. A key issue for further research is the degree to which emigration and return migration are reflected in the population registry.
In this article I attempt to utilise the vast efforts invested in a particularly Norwegian genre of local history, namely the farm and genealogy books (bygdebok, plural bygdebøker), to analyse aspects of migration, especially remigration from North America, in a micro-historical perspective. Such books, of which a rather large corpus exists, contain detailed longitudinal data on people and holdings within a limited region, usually a rural municipality or parish. Consulting two works from this bygdebok genre as primary sources, I identify and analyse those people who re-migrated to Norway after having been in North America prior to the commission of the 1910 census.
Gunnar Thorvaldsen and Nils Olav Østrem
The Historical Population Register (HPR) of Norway gives rise to new research opportunities on a large array of topics spanning medicine, social sciences and humanities. This introductory article outlines the contents of the register, the periods it covers, and its use, particularly with respect to the study of geographic mobility. This article introduces the articles in this issue, which concentrate on the emigration to the US and the returnee emigrants.
Lars Holden and Svetlana Boudko
This article describes the development of the Norwegian Historical Population Register, which is the first open national register. In the period 1735–1964, 9.7 million people lived in Norway, and for them 37.5 million events (such as birth, death, or migration) have been recorded in sources. We link together as many events as possible for the same persons and families, but only include links that have a high probability of being correct. The linking is performed by automatic methods and crowdsourcing. A national population register is important for migration research. It allows us to reconstruct (stepwise) internal migration in Norway, frequently followed by international migration from Norway, as well as return migration to Norway. Many non-Norwegian sources also specify place of birth by country, and this makes it possible to identify individuals in Norwegian sources.
At the turn of the twentieth century, German authorities were increasingly confronted with the desire of couples of different nationalities to marry. This article analyses the administrative and political handling of the authorities, and thus explores the survey, production, circulation and adaption of administrative knowledge regarding these specific love constellations. The prevalent forms of regulating society and individuals’ sexuality from the late nineteenth century until the end of the Weimar Republic are discussed.
This article investigates the influence and agency of employers for international labour migration through a case study on networks and migration to a county in Sweden in the decades after the end of the Second World War. Earlier research has focused on the supply-side of networks, such as contacts between migrants and prospective migrants and their place of origin, and how such relations led to cumulative effects, with increased migration over time. This article shows how employers in Västmanland County were, sometimes with the help of government agencies, able to solve their labour requirements through the active creation of migration networks. The article contributes to a deeper understanding of the functions of networks for international migration through developments on the demand-side of labour markets.
Rachel K. Bright
This article provides a corrective to recent scholarship surrounding modern migration control, which has emphasised the shared origins of the legal systems created to control migration in the us, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand and Canada. The article demonstrates that the implementation of migration controls in British colonies was arbitrary. It uses the personal papers of Clarence Wilfred Cousins, the Chief Immigration Officer in the Cape, then South Africa (1905–1922), to demonstrate the role of frontier guards in shaping migration experiences. The article highlights the uses and limitations of using ‘ritual’ to understand migration control and how border spaces are experienced.
Tone Bleie and Dawa Tsering
This article addresses migration in the late seventeenth and the eighteenth century from Eastern Tibet to Chang Tang, the enormous high-plateau in Western Tibet. Evidence is presented about the rise of an intriguingly well-regulated nomadic society, questioning the dominant, environmentally framed narrative of Chang Tang as an uninhabited wilderness. The article examines why people started migrating, sheds light on specific migratory events and their cumulative effects. The article examines nomads’ adaptation to a sacred mountain landscape, an inhospitable climate, established customary practices and contending centralised sources of religious and political authority, while drawing on their own martial ethos and diverse skill sets. In order to explain causes and outcomes of specific events, the article employs an interdisciplinary theoretical approach. This approach unravels Chang Tang as pastoral realm, sacred landscape and contested frontier – sought controlled by the lords of distant Lhasa and empires of the Western Himalayas and Central Asia.
Stacey A. Shaw
Despite anti-immigrant sentiment and severe restrictions on immigration to the us during the Second World War, many individuals and organisations fought to change attitudes and utilise the limited possibilities available. Cecilia Razovsky worked throughout this era to utilise quotas, increase awareness, and avoid negative attention that could hinder immigration. Varian Fry provided practical and legal assistance to refugees fleeing France until he was stopped by government officials. Razovsky has remained largely unknown but Varian Fry has drawn attention as an example of America’s best intentions. The Second World War is frequently invoked in contemporary discourse surrounding immigration and the stories of rescue during that era continue to fascinate, as Fry’s recognition shows. Through examining how the us immigration advocates Cecilia Razovksy and Varian Fry responded to restrictions during the Second World War, this article asks why aspects of humanitarian memory persist and examines why particular aspects of their work continue to resonate and hold meaning for contemporary resettlement work.
Anh Sy Huy Le
This article examines the forced migration of the Chinese community from San Francisco’s Chinatown after the 1906 Earthquake and Fire. Situating this spatial struggle in the context of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century urban reforms, it reveals the discursive limits of progressivism and the rhetoric of spatial modernity that was prevalent in America. Drawing attention to the earthquake as a destructive yet revelatory moment of trans-Pacific ties, the article analyses the multi-stranded racial, spatial and material negotiations that allowed the Chinese community to manoeuvre within the structure of domination and effectively resist hegemonic discourse. It demonstrates how, in the quest for spatial justice, coalitions of Chinese elites and politicians relied on existing Sino-American trade networks as leverage for inclusion, sought financial aid from the far-flung Qing government, deployed legal assistance from conglomerations of Chinese-American lobbyists and Western-trained Chinese lawyers, and mobilised capital from wealthy Hong Kong merchants to reconstruct Chinatown from scratch.
Liesbeth Rosen Jacobson
In most colonies children of mixed European and indigenous origin were a concern for colonial authorities, who feared that if these children were abandoned by their European fathers they could harm white prestige, and with that endanger the colonial project. This article compares European-run orphanages in the Dutch East Indies, British India and French Indochina on the eve of decolonisation. At that time, the leaders of the orphanages and the older children in all three colonies faced a dilemma: should the Eurasian children leave or stay after decolonisation? In this article I look at how the orphanages dealt with the impending decolonisation, and how differences in this process between the colonies can be explained. I answer these questions by using archival material from orphanages in the three colonial contexts. I conclude that the differences between the contexts were explained best by the type of legal position Eurasians had in each colony.
The commencement of hostilities in Europe in late summer 1914 transformed the southern Atlantic cities of Buenos Aires and Rosario into diasporic home fronts for many belligerent nations. These cities became at once contested terrains between and among émigré colonies and a source of financial and material aid for warring nations. Buenos Aires’ policy of neutrality further permitted activist immigrants to partner with like-minded individuals and their respective diplomatic representatives to organise civic associations, arrange public demonstrations, and host charity events. The Syrian-Ottoman colonies mirrored the efforts of other immigrant groups, but diverged in distinct ways as novel nationalist sentiments circulated among them. The increased social tension from penury and competing political agendas led to multiple violent confrontations among Syrian Ottomans. Thus, nations that did not directly fight in the European conflagration were indeed party to the First World War and warring states’ home fronts extended beyond national boundaries.
The article explores immigrant children’s health in Toronto, Canada, during mass migration by analysing a 1960s women-led project involving southern Europeans launched by the International Institute of Metropolitan Toronto, the city’s leading immigrant agency and part of a long-standing North American pluralist movement. Focused on the immigrant female fieldworkers tasked with convincing parents known for their ‘reticence’ in dealing with ‘outsiders’ to access resources to ensure their children’s well-being, it assesses their role as interpreters for the public health nurses investigating the Italian and Portuguese children who increasingly dominated their referrals from Toronto’s downtown schools. Without exaggerating their success, it documents the women’s capacity for persuasion, and notes the value of community-based pluralist strategies in which women with links to those being served play active roles as front-line intermediaries. The article highlights the history of women’s grassroots multiculturalism and the need to consider pluralism’s possibilities as well as its limits.
Lynne Ann Hartnett
This article explores the ways in which the debates about the Aliens Bill and the controversy surrounding British immigration policies confirmed Russian émigrés’ identification as refugees and legitimised their anti-tsarist activities in the early twentieth century. It assesses how Russian émigrés made use of the British political crisis about immigration not only to protect their personal right to asylum, but also to advance their larger political and ideological perspectives about the illegitimacy of the Romanov regime. This article argues that the early twentieth-century transnational advocacy championing the right of asylum for Russian refugees in Britain explicitly established the moral and legal criteria used to define refugees outside of the context of war and justified the humanitarian necessity of political and religious asylum as an answer to governmental persecution.
Migration in Rus’-land, Tsarist Russia and Soviet history received little attention before 1986. Since the 2000s interest has intensified. This issue of the Journal of Migration History provides a synopsis of the continuity as well as multiplicity of migrations from the sixth to the nineteenth century and case studies of different migrations from the late nineteenth century to the 1990s. Migration of state-backed Slavic-speaking peasants in the late nineteenth century into Kazakhs’ grazing lands disrupted the way-of-life of the herders and acerbated class relations between increasingly wealthy and increasingly poor herders. In Tsarist society as a whole, the regime deprived dissidents of ways of expression and encouraged pogroms against Jewish families and communities. Many of those who fled made their way to London and other safe havens. In Parliament, and among the British public in general, a sometimes acrimonious debate about immigration restrictions began. A 1905 anti-alien law kept the door open for political refugees but closed it to impoverished migrants. In wartime after 1914 and far more so after 1941 the state evacuated people before advancing armies and deported others, perceived to be disloyal. In this respect, the change from Tsarist to Bolshevik rule in its Stalinist version was no break – but the much larger quantity of people being moved around led to a new quality: authorities lost sight or interest in distinguishing evacuees from deportees. When, in the late 1950s, control relaxed, young people began to migrate on their own for a limited period of time. The limichiki faced exploitative hiring factories but often supportive state authorities. When glasnost changed the labour regime under neo-liberalist policies, the status of the temporary workers declined. The Tsarist-Soviet/Stalinist-post-1986 sequence of regimes encouraged, hindered or prohibited, and organised a vast variety of free, unfree, and forced labour migrations that were, in part at least, ways of life.
Migrations in the intercontinental macro-region have been studied as proto-Slavic early settlement; as transit zone for Varangian-Arab trade and Byzantine-Kiev interactions; as space of Mongolian intrusion and as a territorially integrated Muscovite state with rural populations immobilised as serfs. This article integrates migrations from and to the neighbouring Scandinavian, East Roman, and Steppe macro-regions up to the fifteenth century and, more briefly, from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries. In these poly-ethnic worlds, resident and in-migrant cultural groups adapted in frames of intercultural contact, migration, hierarchies, processes of power imposition and of exchange. An important facet is the ‘small numbers-large impact’ character of many migrations before the advance of Mongol/Tatar armies. From the fifteenth century, elites of the new Muscovite state such as traders and colonisers moved east into Siberia’s societies and attracted technical and administrative personnel from German-language societies. The traditional historiographical narrative, centred on an east-west perspective, is expanded to include the north-south axes of migration and cultural contact.
Moving people during war is what states do and have done since there have been states. This article attempts to specify what was peculiar to the Soviet state in moving its own civilian population during the Great Patriotic War (1941–45). It focuses on two categories of civilians defined by the state according to its determination of loyalty and utility to the war effort: evacuees and deportees. The article proceeds along the lines of three comparisons. The first is between tsarist and Stalinist approaches to ‘total’ war. The second comparison is between evacuees and deportees on the experiential level. The third and final comparison compares those whose voices are present in the sources and those who are silent, posing questions about the discursive relationship between migrants and state authorities in the context of the Great Patriotic War.
This article examines interactions between Slavic peasant migrants and mobile pastoralist Kazakhs within the setting of the Kazakh Steppe during the period of heaviest resettlement to the region beginning in the late nineteenth century and continuing into the early twentieth century. It considers how the importance of horses to both settlers and Kazakhs alike dictated these interactions and how the sedentary world of the settlers disrupted the seasonal migration routes of Kazakh horse herders. Particularly with concern to the greatly expanded horse market, issues regarding land use, and increased instances of horse theft throughout the region, the Russian state’s encroachment into the steppe forever altered the social and economic makeup of the region.
Emily J. Elliott
This article examines temporary labour migration to Moscow from 1971 to 1991, paying particular attention to relationships between state actors and young migrant workers. State officials not only provided young workers with housing and educational opportunities but also fostered Soviet socialist values among the young workers. The policies of Glasnost and Perestroika altered this relationship since state policies shifted towards embracing neoliberal practices. Such practices diminished social security for young migrants, leaving this once important social group vulnerable in a time of economic uncertainty.
This article combines a migration-systems approach with oral history and a local-level perspective. It focuses on migrant women recruited from Schleswig-Holstein to a Swedish garment factory in the early 1950s. These migrants were around 20 years old and single; about half of them were German wartime refugees and early post-war expellees from Central and Eastern Europe. The article analyses how migrants articulate retrospective narratives, as regards the different steps (background, journey and interactions in the receiving society) of the migration process. It shows how migrants’ life stories are narratively constructed around contrastive elements and turning points, which correspond to the three steps of their migration experiences. The article also argues that oral sources can be used both to study subjective dimensions of individual migration experiences, and to illuminate important details of past migrations.
This article explores the reasons and strategies behind the import of women for the sex industry in the Dutch Antilles, while in the mother country prostitution was restricted. It will show that the cultural justification claim was used to mask economic reasons to regulate prostitution. I also look at the long-term consequences of this policy. This article ties in with debates on migration and colonial policy regarding the regulation of sexuality built on a racist and moral discourse.
Betty de Hart
In the migration history literature, the number of marriages between newcomers and the native population is considered to be the ultimate litmus test of the integration or assimilation of migrants. However, little attention has been paid to how the state has actively intervened to prevent such marriages. The premarital counselling for mixed marriages provided by Dutch state officials, in cooperation with churches and NGOs, represents one such intervention. It mainly targeted Dutch women marrying Muslim men, and until the 1990s it was informed by stereotypes about gender, class and race that intersected with religion. Counselling Dutch girls about Islamic family law served as a way to demonstrate how intrinsically different ‘the other’ was. Ultimately, premarital counselling was about the power of regulations of mixture in shaping identities and producing ‘race’, linking it to sex, gender and family formations.
Jef Poppelmonde and Idesbald Goddeeris
Based on the 1951 Refugee Convention, persons who have left their country ‘owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion’ are entitled to protection. The principle of non-refoulement provides that ‘no country shall expel or return a refugee against his or her will, in any manner whatsoever, to a territory where he or she fears threats to life or freedom’.1 Following the increasing numbers of asylum seekers in the 1990s, host countries began to apply the Refugee Convention criteria more strictly and refused a growing number of applicants.2 Since the summer of 2015 Europe has found itself in the middle of what is described as a ‘refugee crisis’. The crisis has brought debates about asylum, borders and return policies to the centre of the public and political conversation. A growing portion of society has called for a stricter asylum policy.
This article will argue that even before this latest ‘refugee crisis’ discourses on asylum were becoming more restrictive, with a growing focus on return rather than protection. It will also show that the debates on asylum keep moving away from the definition provided in the 1951 Refugee Convention. It will do so by comparing the Belgian debates on forced return – and on asylum in general, which is inseparably connected to the subject – in the media and parliament during two periods: 1998–2001 and 2011–2013.3
In the first section, we will elaborate on the theoretical framework of the analysis, paying attention to relevant concepts and secondary literature, as well as to the research questions and methodology. We will then discuss the most important empirical data on the debates’ topics and stances. In a third and final section, the major shifts in the debates will be analysed.
Marlou Schrover and Tycho Walaardt
This article analyses newspaper coverage, government policies and policy practices during the 1956 Hungarian refugee crisis. There were surprisingly few differences between newspapers in the coverage of this refugee migration, and few changes over time. The role of the press was largely supportive of government policies, although the press did criticise the selection of refugees. According to official government guidelines, officials should not have selected, but in practice this is what they attempted to do. The refugees who arrived in the Netherlands did not live up to the image the press, in its supportive role, had created: there were too few freedom fighters, women and children. This article shows that the press had an influence because policy makers did make adjustments. However, in practice selection was not what the media assumed it was, and the corrections were not what the media had aimed for.
Large-scale migration within and to the nineteenth-century British Isles was a feature of a dynamic industrial economy. Among the migrants who specifically came to Scotland, over time increasing numbers came from Continental Europe. Facing interactions with long-established Scottish institutions such the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, they also became increasingly subject to newly-formed state institutions in Edinburgh and London. In this article, I will show how we can begin to comparatively characterise the dynamic of migrant-host relationships in the period 1885–1939, by examining a growing ‘Scottish’ administration, largely based in Edinburgh, and the ‘social spaces’ associated with migrant associational culture.
During the second half of the nineteenth century, southern Brazil received numerous migratory contingents, attracted by the Imperial State or by provincial governments. However, the main difference with colonisation organised by private companies was that it aimed primarily at the commercialisation of farmland and the establishment of trade in agricultural and artisanal products. The private colonisation companies were often run by groups, families or individuals who were also immigrants. This process was fraught with conflict. With great visibility in Brazilian society, these entrepreneurs took advantage of commercial openings by exploiting farmers and workers without political rights and with little knowledge of the country of settlement. The same system however did hide political and economic disputes between local and immigrant elites. To discuss the role of immigrant entrepreneurs, this article presents some results of research on the trajectory of the Rheingantz family.
Communicators and Communication
Edited by Johan Callmer, Ingrid Gustin and Mats Roslund
Interaction in the region between Eastern Middle Sweden, Finland, Estonia and North Western Russia is set against varied cultural expressions of identities. Ten scholars approach the topic from different angles, with case studies on the roots of diversity, burials with horses, Staraya Ladoga as a nodal point of long-distance routes, Rus’ warrior identities, early Eastern Christianity, interaction between the Baltic Finns and the Svear, the first phases of ar-Rus dominion, the distribution of Carolingian swords, and Dirhams in the Baltic region.
Contributors are Johan Callmer, Ingrid Gustin, Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, Valter Lang, John Howard Lind, Marika Mägi, Mats Roslund, Søren Sindbaek, Anne Stalsberg, and Tuukka Talvio.
Lyubomir Klimentov Georgiev
Edited by Olga Katsiardi-Hering and Maria A. Stassinopoulou
Contributors are: Constantin Ardeleanu, Iannis Carras, Lidia Cotovanu, Lyubomir Georgiev, Olga Katsiardi-Hering, Dimitrios Kontogeorgis, Nenad Makuljević, Ikaros Mantouvalos, Anna Ransmayr, Vaso Seirinidou, Maria A. Stassinopoulou.
Paul Thomas van de Laar
During the long nineteenth century Bremen, Liverpool, Marseille and Rotterdam developed rapidly and built new harbour districts beyond the confines of the city. These new waterfronts became the zones of the other; an area defined by the social and cultural lives of casual workers, transient migrants and other disadvantaged groups and became a place in need of social and cultural reform. Few scholars have paid attention to the specific interrelations between migration and the transformation of urban space in port cities. This article addresses the issue of how diverse national and transnational migrant movements have shaped the urban identity of these port cities in this period. In a comparative framework, it raises the question what impact a transient population had on the harbour-related districts and how the appearance of these informal zones contributed to the image of the port city as a place of otherness.
This article argues the importance of the urban press in shaping public opinion about transatlantic migration using the representation of emigration agents and agencies in the Hungarian press in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This also draws light to the importance of Budapest not only as a critical hub of emigration movements in terms of administration, transportation and information network that directed and controlled overseas emigration, but also as an agent of communication: the urban press, inseparable from the constantly transforming urban space, was a key agent in the transmission of knowledge and forming public opinion about the emigration question that was in the centre of political, social and cultural discourse during this period.
Responding to a cholera scare in the 1890s, German steamship companies, backed by the state, set up transmigrant control stations along eastern Prussian borders. Millions of Eastern European emigrants passed through these medical and financial checkpoints as they made their way by rail to northern European harbour cities, where steamships carried them across the Atlantic. In 1904, officials opened a registration station in the Saxon city of Leipzig. A major European railway hub, Leipzig seemed an ideal location. However, the city layout soon proved problematic. Leipzig had no fewer than six separate train stations, one an hour’s walk from the registration station. Saxon police and shipping officials needed to direct transmigrants arriving in Leipzig to the registration station, despite logistical problems and sometimes uncooperative migrants. Building upon a growing scholarship on the continental journey of transoceanic migrants, this article demonstrates how a single city could affect an intricate transatlantic network.
The article gives a business perspective on the development of transit routes during the long nineteenth century transatlantic migration from Europe to the us. It first stresses that due to the economic interests generated by transatlantic migrant transport the political economy behind early migration policies centred much more on how people moved rather than who was doing the moving. These had a lasting impact on transit routes. With nationalism on the rise and economic liberalism declining, measures to direct transmigrants to national ports and companies radicalised. Against this background and to neutralise competitive pressures shipping companies united in cartels to protect established routes. Their perspective gives new insights on how transit routes developed; on transit costs; the service it included and the quality thereof. It explains how shipping lines extended their services in port-cities and inland transport hubs to guarantee a smooth transit as an integrated part of their trade.
This article examines the impact of transit migration from the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires on Berlin and Hamburg between 1880 and 1914. Both cities experienced massive growth during the last three decades of the nineteenth century, and both served as major points of passage for Eastern Europeans travelling to (and returning from) the United States. The rising migration from Eastern Europe through Central and Western European cities after 1880 coincided with the need to find adequate solutions to accommodate a rapidly growing number of commuters. The article demonstrates that the isolation of transmigrants in Berlin, Hamburg (and New York) during the 1890s was only partly related to containing contagious disease and ‘undesirable’ migrants. Isolating transmigrants was also a pragmatic response to the increasing pressure on the urban traffic infrastructure.
Markian Prokopovych and Torsten Feys
Migration is one of key factors to the existence of which we owe the emergence of the modern urban condition that continues to shape the life of large populations today. Precisely the same reasons that generated great urban growth of European cities in the late nineteenth century were responsible for concurrent mass migration overseas – to North America and elsewhere – for a number of reasons. Given the everyday experience of the mass of transient migrants passing through these cities that lasted for decades, the lack of interest on behalf of urban historians to this large and heterogeneous group is surprising. Analysing such transient migrant spaces and routes, and their diverse actors at the city level for some of the most important transit points within the European continent (Berlin, Leipzig, Vienna, Budapest) as well as for select ports of departure (Bremen, Hamburg, Liverpool, Marseille and Rotterdam), this special issue aims to link the recent attention to transmigration within migration history to urban history thereby highlighting the relevance of transit cities to the study of overseas migration.
The complex routes taken by overseas migrants through nineteenth-century Central Europe included Vienna and Budapest as nodal points. In contrast to the ports of departure and arrival, and the role of labour migrants in urbanisation, the place of overseas migrants in larger urban histories of Vienna and Budapest remains largely unexplored. By using two case studies that represent the opposite sides on the spectrum of overseas travellers through Central Europe, this article aims to trace new directions such an exploration might take. Aiming to introduce the ‘spatial turn’ into the subject of overseas migration in Vienna and Budapest, it analyses how, on the local level, railway stations and the neighbouring areas functioned to accommodate shipping agencies, their agents and lodging houses, as well as the police, detention centres, and the local enterprise that helped to direct – facilitate or restrict – traffic through the urban fabric and between cities.
Continuities, Reorientations, and Collaborations in Exile
Edited by Helga Schreckenberger
Contributors are: Dieter Adolph, Jacob Boas, Margit Franz, Katherine Holland, Birgit Maier-Katkin Leonie Marx, Wolfgang Mieder, Thomas Schneider, Helga Schreckenberger, Swen Steinberg, Karina von Tippelskirch, Jörg Thunecke, Jacqueline Vansant, and Veronika Zwerger
Literature and the Press
Edited by Charmian Brinson and Andrea Hammel
Dieser neue Band der Serie Yearbook of the Research Centre for German and Austrian Exile Studies mit dem Titel Exile and Gender I: Literature and the Press, herausgegeben von Charmian Brinson und Andrea Hammel, enthält Beiträge zu den Werken exilierter Schriftstellerinnen und Journalistinnen und zu geschlechtsspezifischen Darstellungen in den Texten von Exilschriftstellern und Exilschriftstellerinnen. Die Beiträge sind entweder in deutscher oder englischer Sprache. Die siebzehn Beiträge haben zum Ziel, die Erfolge dieser SchriftstellerInnen zu feiern und die Gender- und Sexualitätskonzepte in den Werken von bekannten und weniger bekannten Schreibenden kritisch zu untersuchen. Weitere Themen sind das weibliche Schreiben und die Beziehungen der Geschlechter im Exil. Der Band bespricht auch bibliografische Neuheiten: Exilzeitschriften, die von und für Exilantinnen publiziert wurden.
Contributors are: Hiltrud Arens, Montserrat Bascoy Lamelas, Wiebke von Bernstorff, Charmian Brinson, Rosa Marta Gomez Pato, Andrea Hammel, Birgit Maier-Katkin, Trinidad Marin Villora, Aine McGillicuddy, Katharina Prager, Ester Saletta, Rose Sillars, Jörg Thunecke, Christine Ujma, Benedikt Wolf, Amira Zmiric, Veronika Zwerger.
The Narrated Diaspora, 1550 – 1750
Exposing the underlying narrative structures of early modern exile memories, this volume shows how stories about the Dutch Revolt allowed migrants to participate in their host societies rather than producing a closed and exclusive diaspora. While narratives of religious persecution attracted non-migrants as well, exile networks were able to connect newcomers and established residents.
Lotta Vikström, Emil Marklund and Glenn Sandström
Due to insufficient historical population data, there is limited knowledge about the demographic outcomes of colonisation. This study provides demographic evidence of the difficulties faced by the Sami – an indigenous population in Sweden – during nineteenth-century colonisation, as indicated by (1) high risks of migration and (2) low survival rates compared to non-Sami. The digitised parish registers of the Demographic Data Base (Umeå University) provide longitudinal, individual-level data on migration, mortality, and ethnic origin. Event history analysis reveals that the Sami were vulnerable, with a higher mortality rate than non-Sami, and that they were more prone to migrate from areas overcrowded due to an increased competition for land. However, regardless of ethnic origin, it was primarily the settlers who migrated, and who ran the lowest mortality risks. This result suggests a ‘healthy settler effect’, and diverse consequences of colonisation that did not always follow ethnic lines.
John Starosta Galante
This paper examines the actions of Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires and Montevideo to support Italy’s mobilisation during the First World War. It focuses on immigrant institutions that participated in activities including military recruitment and welfare collections to assist the Italian side. It also investigates ways Italian immigrants collaborated across the Río de la Plata to mobilise war-related resources. Through its analysis, this article narrows in on a neglected period of time in Italian immigration historiography and uncovers ways events in Italy might have affected immigrant behaviours. It explores the degree of integration that existed between these two communities and within a transnational immigrant network built around ‘Italian’ notions of belonging. More broadly, this paper illustrates the value of scholarly focus on periods of crisis in immigrant homelands. The study of such periods helps advance understandings of social relations within immigrant communities and the transnational networks in which immigrants are situated.
Christopher Roy Zembe
Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.
This article presents the ‘movement of artists’ from 1850 to 1950, an aspect of migration which did not historically attract much attention. The mobility of actors and actresses, singers, and dancers was taken for granted. The public did not pay much attention to the ongoing migratory movements in the entertainment industry, despite their importance to the theatre and its members. Well-known ‘stars’ were admired as gods and goddesses of the stage, while wandering artists were considered drifters. The relevance of intersectional relations becomes apparent. Furthermore, this article analyses mechanisms of perception and representation, exemplifying structures using the example of the theatre season of 1882–1883 and the appearances of Sarah Bernhardt, Franziska Ellmenreich, and Josefine Gallmeyer in Graz (Styria, Austria).
Paul Puschmann, Nina Van den Driessche, Koen Matthijs and Bart Van de Putte
Partner choice and marriage are used as indicators of paths of acculturation and social inclusion among migrants who moved as singles to Antwerp. Whereas scholars previously studied either the timing and intensity of marriage among migrants or the degree to which migrants married natives, we utilise a model which combines both approaches, linking four different meeting and mating outcomes to four acculturation trajectories. The event history analyses show that, in line with studies from the Chicago School of sociology, migrants were marginalised at a large scale. However, this was not a result of economic hardship, limited skills or the rural background of the migrant, but related to ethnic and cultural differences. Stayers and leavers had equal risks of facing marginalisation. Being born in the direct hinterland and moving early to the city increased the likelihood of experiencing assimilation.
During colonial times, the Belgian metropolitan government removed mixed-race children from their indigenous African families and placed them in specialised institutions. On the eve of independence about 300 of these children were ‘evacuated’ to Belgium. This article elaborates on Belgian policy towards mixed-race children during the colonial era and on the forced displacement of mixed-race children from the Ruanda-Urundi region upon independence. It reflects on the ways in which indigenous parents reacted to and protested against the displacement of their children and investigates how the colonial government tried to neutralise objections. The article confronts the factual practices of displacement with the perceptions of the various actors involved, which allows discerning notions about race, citizenship, motherhood and child rearing.
Fabrice Bensimon and Christopher A. Whatley
After 1815, European manufacturers in several sectors sought to reap the benefits of British technical superiority through the acquisition of British machinery and workers who could operate it. France was one of the beneficiaries of this transfer process. Along with iron, engineering, and tulle making, another British industry that established a French presence was linen and jute textile manufacturing. The authors present the results of joint research carried out in Scotland and France, focusing on a spinning mill established by a Dundee-Paris partnership in Ailly-sur-Somme in 1845. Much of the technical, managerial, and worker input came from Dundee, then becoming Britain’s – and for a time, the world’s – leading coarse textile manufacturing centre: ‘Juteopolis’. But the flow of expertise was not always unidirectional and there was cultural interchange too, in a process that by the 1870s had resulted in Ailly becoming one of the most important industrial establishments in France.
Edited by Luuk de Ligt and Laurens Ernst Tacoma
Contributors are: Colin Adams, Seth G. Bernard, Christer Bruun, Paul Erdkamp, Lien Foubert, Peter Garnsey, Saskia Hin, Claire Holleran, Tatiana Ivleva, Luuk de Ligt, Elio Lo Cascio, Tracy L. Prowse, Saskia T. Roselaar, Laurens E. Tacoma, Rolf A. Tybout, Greg Woolf, and Andrea Zerbini.
This essay explores the manifold, but seldom considered interactions between exile, gender and life writing. Since its beginnings, Exile Studies has worked with life-writing practices, but its use of biographical conventions has frequently been left unquestioned. Early research deemed gender to be irrelevant, while the autobiographical discourse of exiles reinforced stereotypical assumptions about men and women. Sustained engagement with women’s history and gender theory has altered and expanded concepts of exile and biography. At the same time, biographical approaches to exile can offer insightful, transcultural perspectives for Gender Studies.