China’s economic reform since the late 1970s has inaugurated a societal restructuring, with profound changes taking place in the outlook on wealth and fortune. In recent years, a distinct group of social actors, the shan’erdai, comprised of the children of the super wealthy, has emerged to play a significant role in social welfare and charity projects. Though there has been some discussion about philanthropy in general and its realization in China in particular, the shan’erdai has received little scholarly attention. This paper identifies some of the defining characteristics of the shan’erdai and examines a modern form of Chinese philanthropy that the shan’erdai practice. Drawing on interviews and publication reviews, we specifically address two central questions: What are the motivations, values, and practices of the shan’erdai? How do the motivations, giving patterns, and modes and technologies of the shan’erdai differ from the parental generation? We sketch the contours of the shan’erdai as a social group and explore the ways through which this shan’erdai experiments with new forms of philanthropy, charity, and social entrepreneurship. Shaped by social and historical formations domestically and on the global stage, we argue that the shan’erdai proactively reformulates the logics of social action for the public good and inspires a novel form of philanthropy in China.
As trends in increasing private wealth around the world continue, understanding the charitable contributions of the extremely wealthy is important. Using the Forbes China Rich Lists and the Forbes China Charity Lists from 2013 to 2017, this study examines the social and economic factors present in the donations of the extremely wealthy whose net worth equals at least 649 million (all amounts expressed in U.S. dollars unless otherwise noted) in China. The results indicate that net worth, social status, political connection, and source of wealth are important factors in these donations. Specifically, extremely wealthy individuals with high net worth, social status, and political connections are more likely to be and more frequently on the Charity Lists than extremely wealthy individuals without above characteristics, particularly those in the real estate industry. However, the real estate industry’s effect on the dollar amount of donations is not significant. In contrast, the extremely wealthy individuals in professional, scientific, and technical areas donated significantly more money than their counterparts in other areas.
Using the data from the World Value Survey, this paper uses a comparative lens to assess environmental philanthropy by focusing on four predominantly Chinese societies – mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, which contributes to the debate on whether culture can sufficiently explain cross-regional variation in civic engagement, particularly in the domain of environmental philanthropy. We find that residents in mainland China shared similar environmental concerns and beliefs with people from the other regions, but they are least likely to volunteer, donate, and demonstrate for these causes. After accounting for personal characteristics, the sizeable interregional gaps on pro-environmental behaviors remain. These findings are consistent with the argument that structural differences, particularly the developing nature of civil society in mainland China, hinders environmental civic engagement.
Due to push and pull factors, millions of Chinese migrants fanned out into the Nanyang from the mid-1800s onward. The G1 (first generation) diasporic Chinese left China with a sojourner mentality, compelling their philanthropic action back to motherland China. As G1 diasporic Chinese and their second or third generation ethnic Chinese (G2, G3 …) eventually settled as nationals into various countries in Southeast Asia, their Confucian Chinese values were confronted, severely tested, remolded, and evolved as they assimilated and converged with the political, social, and economic circumstances of the times. With self-help and mutual aid philanthropy, they thrived and prospered in the Nanyang and were soon propelled to lead local communities. As they engendered gratitude to where they built their wealth, raised families, and honored ancestry in their resettled new homes, their loyalties, generosity, and philanthropy also began to shift away from China. This study investigates these traditions, ethos, and value systems through the lens of philanthropy.
The contribution of overseas Chinese to their ancestral homeland in China is an important topic for research. This article uses the concept of diaspora philanthropy to analyze the patterns and mechanisms of philanthropic giving by overseas Chinese to their ancestral hometowns or villages, also known as qiaoxiang. Based on an ethnographic study in Shunde, Guangdong Province, this article argues that Chinese diaspora philanthropy is not just based on a tradition based on the donors’ affinity, emotional ties, and personal relations to their hometowns, but is involved in the historical process organized and strategically orchestrated by multiple actors, including individuals, organizations, and the state. In this process, the associations of overseas Chinese and local governments in China, especial through the cooperation between local “qiao cadres” and leaders of oversea Chinese communities, play important roles in promoting philanthropy and bringing about desirable outcomes. The intersection of push and pull mechanisms in stimulating donor giving constitutes the basic dynamics of contemporary Chinese diaspora philanthropy. This is the reason why philanthropic giving from overseas Chinese continues to rise even as qiaoxiang have been already well developed.
In the early twentieth century, approximately eighty-five percent of the Chinese population relied on agriculture for their livelihood. Aiming to improve the well-being of China’s vast rural population, the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) made their own efforts through conducting philanthropy in rural China. The North China Council for Rural Reconstruction (NCCRR), a RF-funded rural philanthropic program composed of six Chinese institutions, was established in Peiping (Beijing) on April 2, 1936. As a nontraditional and experimental program, the NCCRR brought together the leading professors from various disciplines at different universities into intimate contact with philanthropic and educational activities in rural China. Although the program perhaps pointed to the modest ways in which institutions conducted rural philanthropy, the task of reviving China’s countryside was ultimately too heavy for the RF as a foreign private foundation. Due to complicated circumstances far beyond their control, the RF had to terminate its rural reconstruction work in 1944.
With the idea of governance spreading, governance thinking has also begun being applied in the field of project management, giving rise to an emerging theory of project governance. The nature of charitable organizations and their disadvantage in resource mobilization make it necessary also to apply the idea and analysis framework of governance to project operations and move from project management to project governance. This article will illustrate, through an analysis of the “Aid De facto Orphans” Project that the Changsha City Yuelu District Boundless Love Commonwealth Culture Promotion Association (DAWJ) has launched, that a charitable organization in its process of project governance must also hold fast to its mission and, on the basis of the mission, set objectives of project governance, select partners, build governance mechanisms and control governance performance.
NGOs are faced with the dilemma of action logic in participating in poverty alleviation at the grass-roots level: if they do not embed into local areas, they cannot carry out activities; if they embed too deeply, they will be molded in reverse and cannot realize successful exits. So what action logic will NGOs take in the process of poverty alleviation? Through field observation of H organization which participated in the poverty alleviation project of a pig farm in J village, this paper puts forward the action logic of “soft embeddedness” (SE) on the basis of the theory of “embeddedness” and “soft governance.” SE mainly includes three aspects: the soft relationship embeddedness of culture and custom, the soft resources embeddedness of negotiation by many parties and the soft structure embeddedness of rural regulations and folk conventions. Compared with that of “hard embeddedness” (HE) which emphasizes institutionalism and inculcation, the action logic of SE has its own characteristics. It includes the flexibility of interaction, the strategy of participation and the limited responsibility boundary. The SE action logic helps maintain the autonomy of NGOs, promote the accumulation of village social capital and realize the sustainable development of poverty alleviation projects. At the same time, this paper theoretically complements and extends the interaction between the states and the society as well as the action logic of NGOs in China.
Social enterprises (SE) certification is a process of labeling SE and distinguishing them from other types of organizations. This article centers on the SE certification practices in China’s Mainland, Hong Kong and Taiwan, analyzes their development conditions and compares them in the three areas. The research has found that there are many similarities in certification organizers, essential criteria, SE qualifications, government role, the application of certification results in such areas. Meanwhile, evident differences have also been found, which can be explained from the institutional contexts within which social enterprises grow and the maturity of non-profit sectors in these regions. Through the analysis of SE certification practice in the three areas, this article points out that SE certification practice varies in different institutional contexts, but in general it helps social enterprises to construct a unique and distinct identity so as to better acquire support from the market, government and other entities. At the same time, we should be alert to the “fence effect” when endorsing social enterprises, and avoid setting fine-grained indicators which may bring damage to the diversified ecology of social entrepreneurship.
Recent research about nonprofit rationalization (especially in China) tended to focus on “net” effect explained by a particular theory, and thereby ignored the combinatory effects of different mechanisms in specific environments. In this article, echoing from the configurational perspective, we used csQCA to explore the potential combination of different mechanisms that may shape the formation of nonprofit rationalization. Through the analysis of 14 cases from three cities of Zhejiang Province in Eastern China, we found that rationalization of a nonprofit requires its leaders/important members to have certain career experience when it receives the corporate giving; the results also indicate that rationalization requires leaders/important members to have corporate work experience when it receives corporate giving, despite the absence of government support and competition.
This paper employed the multi-case study method to explore the interactions between nonprofit support organizations (NSOs): NPI and three practical nonprofit organizations (NPOs) (X, Y, Z), which is incubated by NPI. By applying the analytical framework of collaborative governance, this paper indicates that a well-developed interactive relationship exists between these two organizations, on basis of equality and voluntary. Meanwhile, they shared a mutual goal and maintain an effective interaction. Consequently, it stimulates the building of collaborative network among social organizations.
With the globalization of technology and the changes of society, the boundaries between childhood and adulthood have become increasingly blurred. Children’s studies begin to re-examine the modern thinking and the binary opposition in childhood research, and propose that in order to adapt to the diversity and continuous influence of childhood, childhood research must look for and effectively use non-dualistic theoretical analysis resources. On the one hand, “actor-network theory” and “complexity theory” have provided such research with a theoretical basis, transcending the perspective of binary opposition, focusing on the long-term effects of childhood on individual public character and the public participation of children. On the other hand, information media technology and community participation play an important role in the building of contemporary childhood, especially for the vulnerable groups of children to gain the ability of public participation and enter the public sector. Childhood research requires a broad theoretical perspective and an interdisciplinary approach. It also requires attention to the processes and mechanisms of how children’s participation influences the acquisition of individual public character. How to effectively use information technology to promote public participation, expand the existing public space and form an effective connection with practical community participation is the key to realizing a “good society” in the future for children.
As the increasing discussion over social stratification and mobility indicates, the idea of “education changes destiny” has progressively been brought into question. In his classic study of British working-class boys from 1975, which is widely read in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and education, Paul Willis uncompromisingly revealed that liberal ideology about equal opportunity was only an empty promise and, more importantly, how the counter-cultural cognition and expression adopted the constraints of the structural conditions and at the same time leads to the reproduction of them. Despite the tragic mechanism behind the contradictory counter-culture, Willis remained optimistic about the radical potential in the symbolic works against dominant discourse. His in-depth ethnographic description didn’t only contribute to the endless theoretical debate about Structure and Process, but also provided a methodological approach encouraging extensive fieldwork, in which he believed the “theoretical uncertainty” lies. Ethnography can really “become the intellectual education of those who are governed,” if the scholars are willing to understand and communicate with the informal cultural groups and believe that their fate can be changed.
We conducted a study using an experimental approach and made a comparison of customers’ Willingness To Pay (WTP) during two time frames; one highlighting an event – Joy Of Giving Week (JOGW) and the other; post JOGW (Non-Joy Of Giving Week) not specifically linked to giving. When a time frame highlighting an event is used, it provides a stimulus to the customers which triggers a response in terms of higher WTP. We posit that a time frame highlighting an event can have an impact on customers’ WTP for a product linked to a cause. We present a new facet of Facilitated Giving Form of Cause Related Marketing (CRM).This form offers benefits to three entities: the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) in terms of increased availability of funds, customers experience a ‘feel good factor’ by purchasing a product of the NGO associated with a cause and, builds the image of the business unit.
The promulgation of Chinese Charity Law in March 2016 was expected to break the long-term monopoly of governmental charities in public fundraising in China. However, governments’ regulating practices on fundraising seem to be still quite ambivalent during the post-legislation era, indicating endogenous contradictions of the Charity Law. In order to explore the legislative logic of Chinese Charity Law on public fundraising regulation, this paper, employing an analytical framework of state-society relations, historically examines all relevant laws and policies of China that deal with the fundraising regulation issue since the reform and opening-up. It is revealed that a “control thinking” of the Chinese state towards civic fundraising has been dominating the field all the way, and that the recent loosening of state control was compelled by bottom-up social dynamics. The paper argues that, under the constant influence of state control thinking, the institutional adjustments of Chinese Charity Law on opening spaces for civic fundraising tend to be quite passive and endogenously contradictory, leading to both validity and limitations of the law in practice.
How nonprofit organizations (NPO) utilize social media to engage in advocacy work is regarded as one of the most important challenges in the digital economy era. However, although current studies pay their attention to how NPO react to the prevalence of social media, less focus is paid on how social media help to shape NPO’s practices on advocacy work. To help close the gap between theory and practice, this research explores whether the alignment between NPO’s advocacy practices and features of social media determine the NPO’s usage on social media. In particular, how the crowdfunding platform, an emerging and powerful form of social media, is used by NPO is investigated. Those crowdfunding projects initiated by NPO in FlyingV, the most well-known crowdfunding platform in Taiwan, are taken as the data source for analysis in this paper. The findings reveal that crowdfunding platforms are beneficial to NPO in turns of gaining resources and attracting participants, which then fostering the realization of advocacy activities. As well, the efficiency of crowdfunded projects (or advocacy proposals) is mainly determined by the number of participants (or sponsors). However, based on the findings, it is argued that NPO so far have not realized the power of crowdfunding platforms, thus not yet regarding crowdfunding platforms as key social media or strategic weapons in strengthening their impact or contribution on advocacy work relevant to their missions.
In the China-specific dual management system of social organizations, competent government department’s support for and supervision over industrial associations affect and even determine their political engagement and policy advocacy. By analyzing the technological incubator association in the city of T, this paper finds that when local government departments have overlapping duties and interests, the industrial association, if it can help the disadvantaged department increase the chips for the power and resource game, can receive more attention, support and policy discourse power from that department. Besides, in the local government’s management model, a big enterprise with scale and resource advantages has more chances to communicate and interact with the government department that’s superior to the one in charge of the industrial association, so the industrial association in which this big enterprise is a member can get more attention and support from the competent department, making it more effective in policy advocacy.
How non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China overcome external control from the state and advocate their mission under the dual-management system? While studies on the bargaining between NGOs and the competent authority mostly emphasize the use of persona connections at individual level, little research focuses on the strategy of how NGOs use institutional factors. This article argues that NGOs could get rid of the external control by creating new institutional links with the government, which provides NGOs more opportunities in advocacy. Based on an in-depth case study, this article takes an environmental NGO in H City of Z Province as an example to illustrate how the organization develops relationships with a new authority. This new institutional link helps the NGO to reduce its dependence on the single authority and enhance its autonomy. The changed power structure ultimately enables the NGO to expand its space for advocacy.
While globalization creates an ambitious space for NGOs to play a large role in policy-making and problem-solving the concern about their accountability always remains there. As the biggest developing countries, India and China have attracted lots of international aid and INGOs’ attention. Recently, both have taken serious efforts to regulate or even to control INGOs’ influence in domestic context despite the difference of their political systems. It is worthy of comparative analysis in a nuanced way on their similarities and differences of why and how to regulate. As a reflection, it is also a good moment for relevant stakeholders to re-imagine the global governance and their relevant role.
The number of non-governmental organizations in Egypt continued to grow before 2011. The middle class became the main participants in the political movement against Mubarak regime in 2011. However, it could not be attributed to the mobilization by non-governmental organizations. Based on regression analysis results of the questionnaire survey conducted by Arab Barometer in 2011, NGOs’ mobilization of their middle-class members was almost ineffective. As for the underclass, only the charitable organizations had a strong mobilization effect. From the two aspects of consensus mobilization and action mobilization, the paper explains the reasons why non-governmental organizations failed to mobilize their middle-class members and the specific mechanism for charitable organizations to mobilize their underclass members. Egypt’s experience shows that NGOs do not necessarily act as the main driving force of political resistance, which depends on NGOs’ capability of mobilizing their members for consensus and action, and for different social classes, the mobilization effects show great differences.
In recent years, social enterprises in Taiwan have experienced a period of growth and are becoming more diversified. At the same time, the government is paying more attention to fostering a policy-friendly environment for their development. Despite growing interest in social enterprises, research on this phenomenon remains limited in Taiwan. Using a cross-sectoral perspective, this study is based on qualitative data from in-depth interviews on social enterprises. There are three main findings, first, the development of Taiwan’s social enterprise policy is deeply affected by different sectors. Second, the roles of the sectors are distinct and there is frequent cross-sectoral cooperation. Third, there is still a gap between the government sector’s and other sectors’ views of the social enterprise policy.
In Western countries, the grassroots NGO coalition plays a significant role in promoting the public expression of vulnerable communities. Grassroots NGO coalition has gradually become the leading actor of national policy advocacy by resources and scale of community members. However, China’s grassroots NGOs coalition face many restrictions regarding organizational resources and political opportunities structure. Firstly, the grassroots NGOs relatively lack professionalism, funding, and other critical organizational resources. Secondly, the grassroots NGOs themselves and their coalition have difficulty obtaining legal status and have no institutional channels for policy expression. This unfavorable situation requires them to innovate ‘alternative’ strategies for public expression. The article finds that the grassroots NGO coalition of vulnerable communities has built up the political legitimacy of advocacy action by absorbing powerful social and political elites. It has also cooperated with international NGO to make up for the lack of internal and external resources, which also can expand the social impact and public attention on policy advocacy. Then, the grassroots NGO coalition selects the existing institutional channel for individuals as an intermediary to contacting government officials, submitting policy proposals. Meanwhile, the grassroots NGO coalition adopts professional elites to build the professionalism and social legitimacy of proposals. National policy advocacy also expands the political opportunities structure of local advocacy by promoting local citizens and grassroots NGOs to conduct social surveys, providing policy templates, and communicating with daily virtual communities. The changing structure offers the possibility for continuous advocacy action.
This article studies the community’s inappropriate volunteer structure. An examination of the questionnaire of a community in Beijing shows the youth are indeed absent from the voluntary service of their community, but it is not because the youth lack the will or motivation to join in the voluntary service. Actually, it is closely related to the insufficient supply of the voluntary service in the community, which is mainly attributable to the bureaucratization of the community committee. Under the precondition of keeping the current social management system unchanged, to spur more youth on to join in the volunteer team of their community has to rely on upgrading related social techniques to enhance the community’s voluntary service supply capability.
The article proposes the triple-agent model of Chaoshan charitable temples’ operation, which is characterized by the interactive relationship between charitable undertakings and folk belief and belief economy. First, folk belief including the belief in Master Dafeng and related religious concepts can inspire believers’ charity motives and urge them to participate in charitable undertakings. The charity motives of believers are mostly self-interested or altruistic self-interested. Second, charitable undertakings, in turn, can “euphemize” and “legitimate” folk belief. XY Charitable Temple highlights to the outside world its charitable undertakings and the charitable meaning of its folk belief to euphemize the religious meaning of its folk belief and thus to maintain its political legitimacy. Finally, the development of belief economy provides operating funds for charitable undertakings. Belief economy is composed of charitable temple economy, deity economy and folklore economy, and they all have important folk belief elements. In addition, the income from folklore service features XY Charitable Temple’s revenue, from which the strategy of “religious governance” of charitable temples’ operation can be observed.
As Chinese NGOs are trying to go abroad under the Belt and Road Initiative, understanding the existing niche, discourse, and paradigm of the mainstream transnational NGOs in current international development aid system is crucial for Chinese NGOs to adapt and develop their own identity on value and norms. Based on key researchers’ observations, historical facts and statistics, this research examines the mainstream NGOs’ evolution in organization, action and discourse embedded in the macro-history of transnational NGOs and transformation of the international development aid system; it sums up the transformation around three macroscopic relations to understand and evaluate the action paradigm and discourse of the contemporary mainstream NGOs in transnational development, namely, around “Transnational NGO-State” relations a change from the private sphere to the public sphere, around “North-South” relations a shift from one-way aid to equal cooperation, and on “NGO-Society” relations an evolvement from voluntarism to professionalism. In the end the article points out the difference between Chinese NGOs and those of the developed countries in terms of the origin, timing, goal and discourse and specifies five basic questions China must face in its identity building.
It has been attracting growing attention of all sectors of society to support social enterprises with social investment. This article focuses on the four much-discussed funding strategies of venture philanthropy, social impact investment, social impact bonds and crowdfunding. For the research, a total of 186 questionnaires were distributed and 92 of them were returned and found valid, with the rate of recovery standing at 49.5%. It is found that among the four strategies, the more heard of, the clearer, but that a strategy is clear does not mean it is readily accepted by the people; and among the companies with the registered name including the wording of social enterprise and those logging in as social enterprises, there is no significant statistical difference in the funding strategy. The result manifests the social enterprises in Taiwan are in the start-up stage, and goes in line with this article’s observation of the funding strategies, i.e., the funding strategy of the social enterprise has a lot to do with its life cycle. On this account, this article holds that we should pay attention to the life cycle of the social enterprises, adopt appropriate funding strategies based on their development stage and build sustainable business modes.
In the transformation of the Chinese society, the production and continuity of the publicness of social organizations affect the process and direction of social publicness. It is found out in this article through the review of relevant literature at home abroad that about the concept formulation of the publicness of social organizations the academic community has two directions: “what is” and “what ought to be.” The concepts of the publicness of social organizations are mainly classified according to social practices and political discourses. The production modes of the publicness of social organization mainly include the endogenous type and the exogenous type. Scholars believe that the alienation, incompleteness and contradiction in the publicness of social organizations are the main current crises and challenges, which are mainly attributed to the internal and external environments of social organizations. Therefore, scholars have put forward paths for fostering the publicness reproduction of social organizations. Based on the perspectives of different disciplines such as politics and sociology, researchers have adopted different approaches and methods. In the future, more efforts should be made to study the publicness of social organizations in elaborating research topics, deepening theoretical research, promoting qualitative research, and strengthening quantitative research.
With continuous expansion of cities, the contradiction between the limited government resources and residents’ diverse needs grows increasingly prominent and the urban government at the primary level faces mounting pressure. It has become an important attempt to address the tough issues of the community and reduce the government pressure to incubate and foster community organizations which help the residents to achieve self-organization, self-management and self-satisfaction. Over recent years, the practice across the country reveals various problems in the fostering of community organizations, like the difficulties in fostering them, the poor sustainability and being more in name than in reality. The article conducts a case study of the success of Community Y in Beijing to illustrate its experiences in fostering community organizations and presents the path for the fostering of such organizations. Proceeding from the residents’ needs, it makes the community organizations into responsible subjects, increases its capacity for resource allocation and thus achieves the objective of democratic governance of the organization.
Social think tanks play an irreplaceable role in the field of public governance because of their unique objective perspectives and expertise. But there has disproportionately inadequate research into social think tanks. At present, researches and explorations concerning social think tanks are largely mixed with studies on “think tanks,” and there are still no institutes, groups or periodicals which work specifically as platforms through which social think tanks are evaluated, monitored and supported. To effectively address such problems as the direction, methodology, priorities and points of penetration for research on social think tanks, it is necessary to have a comprehensive, systematic understanding of present researches into social think tanks. By conducting searches in the CNKI database, 224 articles were chosen for statistical analysis in seven respects, namely, year of publication, author, organization with which the author works, theme, citation, concentration of research, and journal involved. Based on analysis findings, this paper suggests building a platform by which to evaluate and monitor researches on social think tanks, establishing an echelon-based model of professional training for social think tanks, stepping up development of social think tanks in western China or the remote and poor parts of the country, optimizing mechanisms for the transformation and application of research outcomes of social think tanks, increasing support to weak fields of research on social think tanks, and conducting research into major and difficult problems confronting social think tanks.
Reviewed here is global research on how 13 types of Voluntary Membership Associations (MAs) have significantly or substantially had global impacts on human history, societies, and life. Such outcomes have occurred especially in the past 200+ years since the Industrial Revolution circa 1800 CE, and its accompanying Organizational Revolution. Emphasized are longer-term, historical, and societal or multinational impacts of MAs, rather than more micro-level (individual) or meso-level (organizational) outcomes. MAs are distinctively structured, with power coming from the membership, not top-down. The author has characterized MAs as the
dark matter of the nonprofit/third sector, using an astrophysical metaphor. Astrophysicists have shown that
most physical matter in the universe is dark in the sense of being unseen, not stars or planets.
Migration has changed the social, cultural, political, and economic landscape of many countries. Mutual aid organizations, ethic-oriented religious organizations, hometown associations, and various other types of ethnic and immigrant organizations emerged to respond to the particular needs of immigrant communities. For countries with a tradition of civic participation, integrating immigrants into civic life becomes an important issue. This article reviews the literature on ethnic/immigrant associations and minorities’ or immigrants’ voluntary participation in major developed countries that have experienced a significant increase of immigrants, particularly after the 1990s. In terms of ethnic/immigrant associations, the author reviews the historical background of research in this area, the size and scope, the formation and development, the memberships, and the financial well-being of these associations, the roles they play in helping immigrants acculturate into the host countries, and the classification of ethnic/immigrant associations. Particular attention is given to immigrants’ mutual aid organizations, ethnic cultural organizations, ethnic-oriented religious organizations, and hometown associations. The author also reviews the literature that examines the factors influencing minorities’ and immigrants’ voluntary participation, their formal and informal volunteering, as well we immigrant youth’s voluntary participation.
The Islamic Veil Affairs (2003-4 and 2009-2011), which led to the banning of Muslim girls wearing Islamic headscarves in French public schools and women wearing full-face veils in public, have raised serious concerns about the relationship between secularism and the freedom of religious expression.
Unveiling the French Republic: National Identity, Secularism, and Islam in Contemporary France, Per-Erik Nilsson engages in a careful critical analysis of the Veil Affairs. His critique, for the most part, is not on the decision of Muslim women to wear the veil but rather on the misuse of secular ideology to justify religious intolerance and mask ethnic prejudice.
Robert Fisher, a famous American sociologist, a professor of social work at the University of Connecticut and an enthusiastic participant in the neighborhood movement, has engaged in social work for a long time. Let the People Decide: Neighborhood Organizing in America is a revision of its first edition published in 1984. The author summarizes the developmental process and the basic approaches of neighborhood organizing from the end of the 19th century to the 1990s, and proposes, from a left-wing perspective, that this movement can be revived only when the idealism of the 1960s is injected into the realism of the 1980s and the 1990s. A masterpiece examining the United States from the perspective of actions of the lower class and scrutinizing the actions of the lower class against the backdrops of the United States, this work is of a global significance and contemporary value, and also provokes useful thinking and inspiration for Chinese scholars to pay more attention to and conduct in-depth research on social movements.
The state, the market, the family and social organizations play exchangeable and mutually complimentary roles in provision of social welfare to children. The Buddhist charities play an increasingly important role in offering social protection to the children in plight, from ensuring the basic livelihood for the children and meeting the children’s need for development to guaranteeing the children social security and encouraging and facilitating the children’s social engagement. Due to the constraints of charity systems, the stereotypical impression about religions and the defects in the internal governance structure of the Buddhist charities, such charities face a host of problems in joining in the endeavor to protect the children in plight, such as the failure to get registered in a timely and legal manner, their marginal existence leading to inadequate protection to the children in plight and the distortion of their organization culture. This article, based on a case study of Hongde Homeland offering aid to the orphans in poverty-stricken mountainous areas, explores the background and strategy for the Buddhist charities to protect the children in plight and makes policy proposals on the appropriate ways to offer the children in plight religious welfare as a part of social protection.
China’s new Charity Law represents the culmination of over a decade of planning for the appropriate development of the productive forces of the charity sector in aid of socialist modernization. Together with the related Foreign ngo Management Law, it represents an important advance in the organization of the civil society sector within emerging structures of Socialist Rule of Law principles. While both Charity and Foreign ngo Management Laws could profitably be considered as parts of a whole, each merits discussion for its own unique contribution to national development. Moreover, while analysis tends to focus on legal conformity of the Charity Law to the state constitution, little work has been done to analyze the relationship of the Charity Law to the political constitution of China. This essay seeks to fill that gap by considering the role of the Charity Law through the lens of the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. More specifically, the essay examines the extent to which the provisions of the Charity Law, and its underlying policies, contribute to the implementation and realization of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) Basic Line and in the context of the overall political policy of “socialist modernization which has served as the core of the political line of the ccp since the last decades of the 20th century. The essay is organized as follows: Section ii considers the specific provisions of the Charity Law, with some reference to changes between the first draft and the final version of the Charity Law. Section iii then considers some of the more theoretical considerations that suggest a framework for understanding the great contribution of the Charity Law as well as the challenges that remain for the development of the productive forces of the civil society sector at this historical stage of China’s development.