Introduction

One of the fundamental questions raised by Bible researchers is: What are the relations between the Spanish medieval translations and the Jewish Sephardic translations printed from the sixteenth century? This question will be addressed in the following discussion.

The tradition of translating the Bible into the Iberian vernacular languages is well-attested from the thirteenth century by both Jews and non-Jews. In this article, I focus on the Spanish translations while excluding the Catalan and Portuguese ones. Jewish translations of the Bible into Ladino, also known as Judeo-Spanish, are documented in print from the sixteenth century onwards, following the expulsions of Jews from the Iberian Peninsula. These translations are composed in the contemporaneous Spanish, incorporating a unique vocabulary typical of Jewish usage and several distinct linguistic features.

The first section of the article delineates the Spanish medieval translations, succeeded by an exploration of the Ladino translations. A linguistic comparison is conducted between the two types of translations. The concluding section establishes the independence of the Ladino translations from the medieval Spanish ones.

Medieval Spanish Translations

Regarding the Spanish translations of the Bible, it should be emphasized from the beginning that, unlike some other languages which attained canonical status, Spanish translations did not acquire such prestige. The Vulgate of Jerome in Latin, Luther’s translation of the Bible into German, and the King James translation of the Bible into English are recognized as canonical translations. Neither the Spanish medieval translations of the Bible nor later well-known translations like La Biblia del Oso from 1569 achieved the status of standard Spanish translations.¹ The variations among them are significant and depend on reliance on the Latin and Greek traditions of translating the Bible, as well as on Hebrew homiletic interpretations, as will be demonstrated below.

The study of medieval Spanish translations commenced at the end of the nineteenth century and continues intensively to the present day.² These translations, known as “las biblias romanceadas,” were written from the twelfth century onwards and appear in manuscripts, many of which are incomplete.³ Some of the translations are extensively described, particularly those found in the Escorial Monastery, marked as “E” below.⁴ One of the texts that has received detailed attention is the illuminated Alba Bible, better known as Rabbi Moshe Arragel’s translation of the Bible from 1430, commissioned by Grand Master Luis González de Guzmán.⁵ Morreale’s programmatic article outlines the issues involved in deciphering the translations within the variety of texts under consideration, and Enrique Arias contributes further insights to these problems.⁶ In addition to detailing the existing translations, various issues are raised: their time of publication, the possible translators, the target audience, the included books and their order, the language used—archaic or vernacular—and their reliance on Greek, Latin, or Jewish interpretations.

Andrés Enrique-Arias, the director from the University of the Balearic Islands, and F. Javier Pueyo Mena from Madrid, have collaboratively established an exceptional online collection of medieval Spanish Bibles known as Corpus Biblia Medieval.⁷ All translations within this corpus are rendered in Latin letters, allowing users to observe the actual form of the text in its manuscript format. The collection encompasses fourteen manuscripts. As previously noted, certain manuscripts exhibit missing sections of the Bible, while others may have blurred scripts.

Within this comprehensive corpus, each verse is presented in all available Spanish translations, its Latin equivalent, the Hebrew original text, the Hebrew lexical entries, and the transcription of the Hebrew text in those translations based on the Hebrew Bible. This remarkable compilation serves as a valuable tool for researchers and investigators of the Bible, providing the capability to examine the texts and explore the translations present in each existing manuscript.

Several of the Spanish translations during the Middle Ages were undertaken by Jews under the supervision of Christian clergymen, though the identities of most translators remained unknown. Some medieval Spanish translations included both the Old and New Testaments. Notably, the translations of the Old Testament did not consistently adhere to the book order of the traditional Masoretic Hebrew Bible, despite their partial reliance on Jewish homily.

For instance, the book of Ruth was positioned immediately after the book of Judges rather than among the five Jewish megillot (“scrolls”). This deviation was influenced by the opening verse: “Now it came to pass in the days when the judges ruled, that there was a famine in the land” (Ruth 1:1).⁸ In certain translations, the Pentateuch featured divisions of parashot/sedarim, aligning with the Jewish tradition, and overall, verse divisions followed the Hebrew tradition. However, distinct features indicate that these medieval translations were not exclusively based on the traditional Hebrew Bible. The purpose of their creation, whether for Jewish or Christian use, remains uncertain despite claims by some researchers.

According to Littlefield, certain manuscripts, such as Escorial Bible E5 and E19, were crafted for Jewish use, while E7 and E4 were intended for Christian use, and E3 and the Alba Bible were designed for both Jewish and Christian audiences.⁹ Berger and others suggest that manuscript E3, and possibly E19, lean more towards a Jewish context and influence the tradition for Jewish translations published in the sixteenth century.¹⁰ From my perspective, it seems more plausible that Anusim, the converted Jews to Christianity, might have utilized these medieval translations, as evidenced by the translation of Megillat Esther in Sefer Teshuvah (“Book of Repentance”).¹¹ Jews were more accustomed to writing and reading Spanish texts in Hebrew script rather than in Latin script.

Ladino Translations

Numerous Judeo-Spanish texts in Hebrew script were composed in Spain by and for Jews before the expulsion, although the translation of the Bible itself did not occur.¹² Within these Judeo-Spanish texts, one discovers the Regulations of Valladolid, formal contracts, instructions for conducting the Passover Seder in old Siddurim and Mahzorim, and more.¹³

During the Middle Ages, there existed an oral Jewish tradition of translating the Bible in religious services, following the old practice of shnayim miqra ve’eḥad targum (“two portions of the Bible and one portion of [Aramaic] translation”). Bible translation was also integrated into the Jewish educational system, where children were taught to read the Bible in Hebrew, receiving word-for-word explanations in the local language.¹⁴ Although these oral traditions were not documented in writing in Spain, they persisted after the expulsion in 1492 and were eventually printed.¹⁵

An ancient manuscript from the late-thirteenth century, presenting a Hebrew glossary explaining biblical words, includes special le‘azim (“foreign words”) elucidating biblical terms. These le‘azim reflect the vernacular Spanish language of the Jews in the Iberian Peninsula and the Judeo-Spanish used in later centuries. For instance, the use of verbs with the suffix -guar, such as aformosiguar (“beatify, glorify”—Spanish hermosear), fruchiguar (“be fruitful”—Spanish frutar), the use of afreición (“poverty, misery”—Spanish aflicción), arna(n)cio (“generation”—Spanish generación), barragán (“brave, hero”), doloriar (“afflict, stress”), ermollo (“bud, sprout”—Spanish armuello), and more.¹⁶ The presence of such explanations and subsequent glossaries suggests a tradition of explaining the Bible using the local language word-for-word.¹⁷

Researchers have assigned the term Ladino to refer to the distinctive rigid word-for-word translations of liturgical texts into Judeo-Spanish.¹⁸ Within Ladino texts, one encounters translations of the Bible, prayer books (Siddurim and Mahzorim), Pirkei Avot, the Passover Haggadah, and Ta‘aniyot.

A few years after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, Ladino translations of the Bible emerged in the Sephardic Diaspora, notably in Constantinople, Thessaloniki, Ferrara, Amsterdam, and Venice. In the sixteenth century, various individual books such as Psalms, the Prophets, Esther, the Song of Songs, and others were published in Hebrew script alongside the Hebrew text.¹⁹ Some editions of the Hebrew Bible included explanations of specific words in Ladino. However, the comprehensive translation of the entire Bible in Hebrew script was undertaken only between 1739 and 1745 by Abraham Asa. The Anusim, the converted Jews who returned to Judaism, also published translations of the Bible and other liturgical texts in Latin letters. A comprehensive list of Ladino translations in Hebrew script can be found in the Thesaurus of the Ladino Book.²⁰ Detailed lists of Ladino Bible translations in Latin script are available in Lazar and Pueyo Mena’s publications.²¹ These Bible translations adhere to the order of the books in the Hebrew Bible.

Two notable Ladino translations of the Bible were published in the mid-16th century, half a century after the expulsion from Spain: the Constantinople Pentateuch (CP) in 1547 and the Ferrara Bible (FB) in 1553.

The front page of the Constantinople Pentateuch (CP) provides the following information: Ḥamisha Ḥumshey Tora ketubim biktab Ashuri, ‘im Haftarot veḥamesh Megillot … Targum hamiqra belashon Yevani ulshon La‘az … Kostandina, Defus Eliezer ben Gershom Sonsino, ŠʺZ (“The five Chumashim of the Torah, with Haftarot and the five scrolls … the translation of the Bible in the Greek language and Ladino, Constantinople, Sonsino Print House, [year] 307 [1547]”).

The CP edition includes the Hebrew text at the center of the page, with Ladino and Judeo-Greek translations in Hebrew vocalized letters on either side of the Hebrew text. On top of the page, Onkelos’ Aramaic translation is printed in Hebrew vocalized letters, and at the bottom, Rashi’s explanations are presented in smaller non-vocalized square letters.²² It is worth noting that the Haftarot and the five scrolls are absent in the text, presumably not printed despite the intentions of the printers.

The Ferrara Bible (FB) was exclusively published in Latin letters, aligning with the medieval tradition of Bible translation. Many discussions on the translations mentioned earlier regarded the Ferrara Bible as a direct continuation of this medieval tradition. The text is presented in two columns, and notably, the Hebrew text is not included.

The title page of the Ferrara Bible reads: BIBLIA En lengua Española traduzida palabra por palabra de la verdad Hebrayca por muy excelente letrados, vista y examinada por el oficio de la Inquisición Con priuillegio del Yllustrissimo Señor Duque de Ferrara (“The Bible in the Spanish language translated word-for-word from the true Hebrew by excellent translators, shown and examined by the Inquisition’s office. With the right of the highly authored Duke of Ferrara”).²³ The names of the publishers, Yom Tov Atias and Abraham Usque, are printed on the back of the title page.

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Constantinople Pentateuch, 1547, Genesis 1.

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Ferrara Bible, 1553, Genesis, 35–36.

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The Ferrara Bible was published in both Jewish and Christian versions. The Jewish version was dedicated to Doña Gracia and signed by Yom Tov Atias and Abraham Usque, as mentioned earlier. The Christian version was dedicated to Don Hércole da Este al duque and signed by Jerónimo de Vargas y Duarte Pinel (the Christian names of the formers). Both versions are believed to have been written by Anusim who returned to Judaism, with some minor variations between them.²⁴ The discussion below pertains to the Jewish version.

Comparison of the Translations

I have selected two examples from Genesis 49:8 and Deuteronomy 33:7 to compare medieval and Ladino Bible translations. However, other verses could have been chosen to demonstrate the differences as well. Both verses pertain to the blessing bestowed upon Judah, first by Jacob and then by Moses. In these verses, Judah is appointed as a leader to his brothers, symbolizing the Jewish people. Judah emerges as the hero who leads them against their enemies. The formulation of the verses differs, offering an opportunity to highlight distinctions between medieval and Ladino translations.

The medieval translations are sourced from the Corpus Biblia Medieval,²⁵ with a focus on manuscripts considered the most Jewish in nature based on previous studies, namely E3, E19, and Arragel. Ladino translations are extracted from Lazar’s transliteration of CP and the copy of FB.²⁶

During this period, orthography was inconsistent. For example, in FB, the letters v—u, i—j, and sometimes y alternated freely, indicating either consonants or vowels (e.g., Jvda—juda—Iuda (“Judah”), serviz—çerujz—ceruiz (“neck, nape”), aty—a ti (“to you”). In CP, the Hebrew letter bet is occasionally marked with a diacritic, suggesting its pronunciation as [v], although the spelling with b in the Latin script versions likely indicated [v] or [β] pronunciation, as in serviz (שירב'יז). In FB, the letter x represents the sound [š] (like sh in “show”). The symbol “&” alternates with e/E, both indicating “and.” Particles are attached to words or other particles (e.g., del—de el [“of the”], ati—a ti [“to you”]).

The translated versions will be presented first for each verse followed by their analysis. Tables 3.1 and 3.2 in the Appendix show the variations in the translations of each word.

Genesis 49:8

יְהוּדָה אַתָּה יֹודוּךָ אַחֶיךָ יָדְךָ בְּעֹרֶף אֹיְבֶיךָ יִשְׁתַּחֲוּוּ לְךָ בְּנֵי אָבִֽיךָ

[yəhūdā ’attā yōdūkā ’aḥɛykā yādəkā be‘orɛf ’oybɛykā yištaḥǎwū ləkā bəne^y ’ābīkā]

“Judah, thou art he whom thy brethren shall praise: thy hand shall be in the neck of thine enemies; thy father’s children shall bow down before thee.”

Medieval Translations

E3: juda aty loar te han tus hermanos la tu mano sera enlas çerujzes de tus enemjgos omjllar te han los fijos de tu padre

E19: juda aty bendiran tus hermanos tu mano sera enel pescueço de tus enemjgos obedesçeran & omjllaran aty tus hermanos fijos de tu padre

Arragel: Juda tu loar te han los tus hermanos la tu mano sera en la çeruiz de tus enemigos adoraran ati los fiios del tu padre

Ladino translations

CP: Yehudah tu loartean tus ermanos, tu mano en cerviz de tus enemigos encorvarsean a ti hijos de tu padre

FB: Yehudah tu loartean tus hermanos tu mano en çeruiz de tus enemigos encoruarsean a ti hijos de tu padre

Deuteronomy 33:7

וְזֹאת לִֽיהוּדָה וַיֹּאמַר שְׁמַע יהוה קוֹל יְהוּדָה וְאֶל־עַמֹּו תְּבִיאֶנּוּ יָדָיו רָב לֹו וְעֵזֶר מִצָּרָיו תִּהְיֶֽה׃

[wəzot līhūdā wayyomar šəma‘ YHWH qōl yəhūdā və’ɛl ‘ammō təbī’ɛnnū yādāw rāb lō və‘ezɛr miṣṣārāw tihyɛ]

“And this is the blessing of Judah: and he said, Hear, Lord, the voice of Judah, and bring him unto his people: let his hands be sufficient for him; and be thou and help to him from his enemies.”

Medieval Translations

E3: E a juda dixo oya el señor la boz de juda & al su pueblo metera sus manos abasten ael & ayuda de sus angustiadores sera

E19: esto dixo a juda señor dios oye la boz de juda & traelo asu pueblo & sus manos le abasten para sus enemjgos sea ayudado

Arragel: & esta oraçion fizo por juda & dixo asy oye señor la boz de juda & aduzelo asu pueblo [pelearan por el] abonden le sus manos & sey le ayudador de sus enemjgos

Ladino translations

CP: Y esta a Yehuda, y dišo: oye YY en bozde Yehudah y asu pueblo lo traeras, sus manos abasto a el y ayuda de sus angustiadores seras

FB: Y esta a Yehudah, y dixo: oye A. boz de Yehudah y a su pueblo lo traeras, sus manos abasto a el y ayuda de sus angustiadores seras

The comparison of the translations of these verses leads to the following generalizations (ignoring orthographic variations and using standard Spanish spelling in the discussion when applied):

• (i) All the translations share the renderings of ’oybɛykā (“your enemies”) as tus enemigos, and yādāw (“his hands”) as sus manos.

• (ii) Despite the different orthographies (Hebrew vs. Latin), the Ladino translations exhibit more resemblance to each other in both verses than they do to the medieval translations. The only disparity among them is revealed in the translation of the word qōl (“voice [of]”), where CP translates it as en boz de (“in voice of”), whereas FB translates it as boz de (“‘voice of”) in Deuteronomy, both without the definite article. All the medieval texts translate it similarly as la boz de (“the voice of”).

• (iii) Two words show fundamental differences between the medieval and Ladino translations: the translation of proper names and God’s name:

  1. Hebrew proper names and place names are transcribed in the Ladino translations, while they are rendered into their Spanish equivalents in the medieval translations. In both verses, Judah’s name appears in its Hebrew pronunciation, יהודה—Yehudah, in the Ladino translations, and in its Spanish form, Juda, in the medieval translations.

  2. God’s name, spelled in Hebrew texts as yhwh, appears in the abbreviated spelling in the translations: יי (yy) in Hebrew script and A. in the Latin script, both referring to the pronunciation of [Adonay]. The medieval translations vary in their renderings: el señor (“the Lord”) (E3), señor dios (“Lord God”) (E19), and señor (“Lord”) (Arragel).

The first feature extends to other proper names and toponyms in the Ladino translations. For example, the name Moses appears as משה [Moshe] in Hebrew script Ladino and as Moseh in the Latin script Ladino translations, whereas the medieval translations opt for the Spanish equivalent Moisen or Moises. The same applies to words like ירדן—Yarden vs. Jordan; יעקב—Yahacob vs. Jacob; ירושלים—Yerusalaim vs. Jerusalén, etc.²⁷

The second feature pertains to the naming of God. In all the Ladino texts, YHWH is translated by יי or A. When the word אלהים appears in the Hebrew text,²⁸ it is consistently translated in the Ladino translations as el Dio, rather than Dios, el Dios, or el señor in the medieval translations.

• (iv) Some translations are shared by most, but not all: ’aḥɛykā (“your brothers” is translated as tus (h)ermanos by most translations, except by Arragel, which uses los tus hermanos with the addition of the definite article; ’ābīkā (“your father”) is rendered as tu padre, except for Arragel, which uses el tu padre, again with the addition of the definite article; šəma‘ (“listen”) is translated as oye, except for E3, which employs the subjunctive form oya; və’ɛl-‘ammō (“and unto his people”) is rendered as a su pueblo (E19) without the connective particle, & al su pueblo (“and unto his people”) with the addition of a definite article (E3), and y/& a su pueblo by all others.

• The examples in (i) and (iv) involve commonly used words such as enemigo, mano, hermano, padre, pueblo. Hence, the variations are not very significant, typically involving the occasional addition of a definite article or the deletion of a connective particle.

• (v) The medieval translations reveal some lexical variations among themselves in the translation of the Hebrew words, for instance:

  1. yōdūkā (“[they] will praise you”): bendiran (“[they] will bless you”) (E19), loar te han (“[they] will praise you”) (E3, Arragel + CP, FB loartean).

  2. ‘orɛf (“[back] neck”): pescuezo (E19), cerviz (all others).

  3. yištaḥǎwū ləkā (“[they] will bow down before you”): omillar²⁹ te han (“they will bow to you”) (E3), obedesçeran & omjllaran a ti (“they will obey and bow to you”) (E19), adoraran a ti (“they will admire you”) (Arragel) vs. encorvarsean a ti (“they will bow down to you”) (CP, FB).

  4. təbī’ɛnnū (“you will bring him”): meterá (“he will put”) (E3), & traelo (“and [you] bring him”) (E19), & aduzelo [pelearan por el] (“and [you] adduce him [i.e., will fight for him]”) (Arragel) vs. lo traeras (“you will bring him”) (CP, FB).

  5. rāb lo (“be sufficient for him”): abasten a el (E3), le abasten (“will be sufficient for him”) (E19), abonden (“will suffice”) (Arragel) vs. abasto a el (“was enough for him”) (CP, FB)

  6. ‘ezɛr (“help”): sea ayudado (“will be helped”) (E19), ayudador (“helper”) (Arragel), ayuda (“help”) (all others)

  7. ṣārāw (“his enemies”): sus enemigos (“his enemies”) (E19), sus angustiadores (“his distressings”) (E3 + CP, FB)

The Ladino translations exhibit striking similarities with E3 in cases a, b, f, and g, and with Arragel in cases a and b. They also share a resemblance with E19, using the same verb in a different conjugation—traer (“to bring”) in d and abastar (“be enough”) in e, which is also employed in E3.

From a lexical standpoint as presented in (v), E3 appears to be the closest to the Ladino translations. It shares an identical choice of words in four cases and shows a close resemblance in two other instances. On the other hand, Arragel has identical translations for words in only two cases, and E19 has a resemblance in the choice of verbs in two instances, albeit with different forms.

• (vi) There is a syntactic difference between the medieval and Ladino translations. While Ladino translations faithfully adhere to the Hebrew syntax word-for-word, the medieval translations exhibit variation:

  1. Hebrew grammar does not necessitate a copulative verb between the subject and the predicate in nominal sentences. Consequently, Ladino translations omit a copulative verb, unlike the medieval translations. For instance, in the clause yādəkā be‘orɛf ’oybɛykā (“thy hand shall be in the neck of thine enemies”) in Genesis, where the literal translation is “your hand in neck (of) your enemies,” the verb ser (“be”) is added in the medieval translations: sera (E3, E19, Arragel).

  2. Three of the medieval translations interpret the word ’attā (“you”) as a ti (“to you”) changing it from the head of a casus pendens structure to a simple complementizer of a verb. The Ladino translations and Arragel render it literally as tu (“you”).

  3. The connective &/E (“and”) is either added or deleted in some verses, not in accordance with the Hebrew text. For example, it is absent in the translation of Deuteronomy for the phrase wəzot (“and this”) in E19. Additionally, while yādāw (“his hands”) is translated as sus manos, E19 adds & (“and”) in front of the expression.

  4. There is a change in word order and meaning in these instances: (a) E a Juda dixo (“and to Judah [he] said”) in E3; esto dixo a Juda (“this [he] said to Judah”) in E19; (b) señor dios oye la boz de juda (“Lord God, hear the voice of Judah”) in E19, as opposed to “Hear, Lord, the voice of Judah”; (c) & traelo a su pueblo (“and bring him to his people”) instead of “to his people, bring him” in E19; (d) & sus manos le abasten para sus enemigos sea ayudado (“and his hands are enough for his enemies to be helped”) in E19, rather than “let his hands be sufficient for him, and be thou and help to him from his enemies”; (e) & sey le ayudador de sus enemigos (“and be the helper from his enemies”) in Arragel, as opposed to “and be the help to him from his enemies” in Deuteronomy.

  5. Some medieval translations include additional explanations, such as obedesçeran & omjllaran (“they will [obey and] bow”) in Genesis and tus hermanos fijos de (“your [brethren] sons of”) in E19 in Genesis. Arragel provides explanations for the initial words of the verse from Deuteronomy: & esta oraçion fizo por juda” (“and [this oration (he) made] for Judah”), adding & dixo asy (“and (he) said [so]”). Subsequently, he further explains: & aduzelo asu pueblo [pelearan por el] abonden le” (“and bring forward his people [they will fight for him] will suffice him”).

The syntactic variations underscore that while medieval translations convey the content of the Hebrew verses, they do not strictly adhere to the structure of the Hebrew text, unlike the Ladino translations.

Conclusion

The Spanish language used by Jews immediately after the expulsion from Spain closely resembled Iberian varieties of Spanish, with some specific features developed in their speech during their time in Spain.³⁰ Their language was influenced by their Jewish education in Hebrew, and they customarily used the Hebrew script for writing. The use of Hebrew proper names was common among Jews, and they preferred the term Dio (“God”) over the Spanish Dios. The Jews retained many Jewish words related to the Jewish calendar and life cycle. Sunday was referred to as alḥad (“the one, the first”) instead of Spanish domingo. Additionally, they coined words like desmazalado (“poor, unlucky”) from the Hebrew word mazal, which became part of the Spanish dictionary.³¹

The formation of Judeo-Spanish began in the Middle Ages and continued to develop independently after the expulsion from Spain in 1492.³² Despite their dispersion, particularly in the Ottoman Empire, various communities maintained their distinct Iberian dialects and old Spanish traditions during the sixteenth century. Over time, Judeo-Spanish evolved from the seventeenth century into a Koiné with various dialects, incorporating influences from local languages and natural language evolution.³³

The Bible held sacred value for the Jews, preventing them from making changes in the scriptures. This reverence extended to Ladino translations, maintaining a strict adherence to the original Hebrew text. The analyzed examples from Genesis and Deuteronomy illustrate the fidelity of Ladino translations compared to medieval ones, whether written in Hebrew or Latin script. Despite spelling differences, the translation of the Ferrara Bible in Latin letters closely aligns with the Constantinople Pentateuch in Hebrew letters, highlighting the enduring impact of oral tradition.

The analysis of the use of common words in both medieval and Ladino translations, as well as the shared basic vocabulary and grammatical features with Spanish, emphasizes the strong connection between Judeo-Spanish and its Iberian roots.

The observations about the differences in spelling between the Ferrara Bible in Latin letters and the Constantinople Pentateuch in Hebrew letters, despite their textual similarities, highlight the resilience of oral traditions and the influence they had on written language. This underscores the significance of community practices and the preservation of language through religious texts.

In addition to the calque word-for-word translations, Ladino texts used the traditional proper names and God’s name as shown in (iii) above. They preserved some old words in the translations such as omillar and refrained from changing word order or adding any explanations.³⁴

In contrast, medieval translations, whether made by Jews or based on the Hebrew Bible, did not adhere to the same principles. Syntactic and lexical variations abound, as demonstrated in the previous sections (v) and (vi). While E3 shows some resemblance to Ladino translations, it did not serve as their direct basis. The use of some common words in both medieval and Ladino translations as shown in (i), (ii) and (iv) above is expected given their shared Iberian roots, with Judeo-Spanish maintaining a fundamental connection to Spanish despite its unique features.

The comparison between the Ladino translations and the medieval ones, including the Ferrara Bible, sheds light on the persistence of certain linguistic traditions and the distinctiveness of Judeo-Spanish. This historical and linguistic exploration offers insights into the intricate journey of Judeo-Spanish, reflecting its resilience, evolution, and the diverse influences that have contributed to its distinct character of the Ladino translations over the centuries. This linguistic continuity, despite variations and unique developments, provides valuable insights into the historical and cultural dimensions of the language.