Introduction

Prostitution is considered to be a profession of high mobility; it is almost tempting to say that probably every prostitute migrates at least once in her lifetime. Despite this fact, the share of prostitutes in the flows over and across the continents has been widely neglected in migration studies. Migration is thought to be a “basic condition of human societies” ² and “central to the human experience [and] the major forces for historical change.” ³ Nevertheless, many studies focus solely on the movements of European male settlers. In particular, labour migration was long held to be a male domain, keeping up the idea of males as breadwinners and the main actors in history. ⁴ Hoerder offers up the critique that migration studies emphasize “the westward flow of agrarian settlers and neglect [the] moves of workers and of women” and has made a call for more research on non-western interperiphery mobility, ⁵ just as Lucassen et al. identify state-centrism, modernization-centrism, and Atlanto- or Euro-centrism as the main frameworks that shape and thus bias migration studies. ⁶

The neglect of women and the biased Eurocentric perspective in migration studies shall be taken up in this paper by highlighting migration history from the perspective of women in the sex business on the basis of the urban overviews in this volume which discuss various cities around the world. The first section will give an overview of how the movements of prostitutes fit into the general history of global migration. Afterwards, several characteristics common to the decisions and lives of many prostitutes will be discussed in order to give an idea about when migration and prostitution overlapped in their lives, where they came from and where they decided to go, how and under what circumstances they undertook their journeys, and finally why they chose to change places and what factors influenced their choices. In the last section, the narratives surrounding migrating prostitutes are brought together and analysed. While migration is indeed frequent and often a necessity for the women in the sex business, the image of prostitutes is also deeply shaped by a sense of foreignness and volatility. Thus, mobility becomes not only a part of real experiences, but also a central aspect of how they are perceived by others.

Throughout this paper, only the movements of prostitutes are considered. Other actors such as pimps, madams, clients, brokers, and individuals assisting in travel are not taken into account, although the shifting structures of this network would surely provide interesting insights that would help us better understand the circumstances under which prostitutes live.

Periodization of the Migration of Prostitutes

The Characteristics of the Migration of Prostitutes

Prostitution and migration are closely connected, and it is extremely difficult to tell whether a migrant woman prostitutes herself or whether a woman in prostitution migrates. Sometimes being engaged in prostitution makes moving beneficial or necessary, and sometimes being a migrant leads to engaging in occasional prostitution, getting arrested, and finally to long-term sex work. ³⁷

When we observe the temporal relationship between migration and the entrance to sex business, we can differentiate between migration before, during, and after taking up prostitution. In the first case, rural locations are usually the starting point. Women seek new job opportunities and move to a new town where they then decide to take up prostitution because of economic necessity, the allure of better pay, or force. In the unfamiliar urban environment, the generally low wages available to uneducated women from the countryside make them extremely vulnerable to sexually exploitative male–female relationships. ³⁸ In the second case, the move to prostitution coincides with a change of location, for instance because a woman anticipates a good start in business somewhere else or because she wants to avoid the shame that her new occupation could bring to herself or her family. The third case is when a woman moves while already engaged in prostitution. This commonly happens when she decides to move to another urban centre, for instance because she expects the market to be better or because she is pursued by the authorities. ³⁹ Presumably a change of place also occurs when women quit the business, but there is not much information on this aspect of prostitutes’ lives.

The fact that almost all of the cities and towns in this compilation are global migrant centres demonstrates the intimate link between urbanity and prostitution. Urban environments are a prime destination because they usually offer work opportunities, money, and anonymity, which are important for a rather precarious profession in the sex sector. Labour migration mostly starts as short-distance migration from rural areas to urban cities, followed by long-distance cross-community migration. The move from the periphery to regional centres provides better opportunities for economic success ⁴⁰ and is sometimes the first stage of migrating overseas. ⁴¹ Examples of women travelling from urban places to rural settlements are rare and mostly connected to administrational restraints or demographical changes. Places with a large share of single men and therefore potential clients, like army bases and booming businesses, can be attractive destinations even in remote areas. ⁴² Hoerder introduced the category of circular migration which occurs when migrants return regularly to their hometown or have at least the intention to do so, as is typical for many labour migrants. This option is almost non-existent for women in the sex business because of the stigma attached to their profession. ⁴³

In the sex sector, the relationship between organized travel and coercion is rather complicated. Generally speaking, there are three levels of freedom or a lack therein: Women may migrate and decide to engage in sex work themselves; they may migrate voluntarily but be forced into prostitution; or, they may be forced to move to another country for the purpose of engaging in prostitution.

When women leave a place voluntarily for any reason, such as because of the unfavourable conditions there or because of run-ins with the law, they still have a choice about when and how to leave. They may decide to do so on their own, or with the help of friends or family members. ⁴⁴ Although some of the overviews do tell of friendships at brothels and solidarity between prostitutes, ⁹⁵ evidence of women having company during their travels is rare. They follow specific paths of migration and rely on social networks established by fellow villagers or family members, ⁴⁵ and those networks have shifted throughout the centuries according to the needs at hand. ⁴⁶ In many cases, the cost of passage is financed by family members and friends who have already migrated. The decision who will migrate is often negotiated within the context of the family economy, kin relations, sibling order, and friendship ties, and is much influenced by the power hierarchies of gender and generations. ⁴⁷ Migration generally demands a lot of adaption and the will to build up a new life. ⁴⁸ Gathering together in ethnic communities after arrival in the host society makes it easier to adapt to the new surroundings, and in this way social and kinship networks develop. ⁴⁹ Societies with strong kinship bonds actually seem to rely more on this kind of support. Nevertheless, after departure many women have to be self-reliant until they are able to build up new networks. ⁵⁰

Leaving one’s social environment can result in isolation and loneliness. Compared to earlier times, it is today much easier to stay in contact using modern means of communication. Therefore, women’s breaks with their home communities may now be less significant than before. If a migrant prostitute breaks off contact with her family today it is either her own decision—maybe out of fear, shame, or as a form of emancipation—or she is actively being prevented from contacting other people. ⁵¹ According to Peach, much of the human trafficking for sex that exists today is facilitated by the restrictive immigration policies of destination countries, the growth of international organized crime, the large profits that can be made through human smuggling, the rise of sex tourism, government corruption and complicity, and inadequate and ineffective legal mechanisms. ⁵²

In earlier centuries, migrating was difficult and sometimes dangerous because there was less information available about job opportunities and the social and legal situation of the destination. Decisions had to be made on the basis of outside knowledge and women had to trust their informants. The fact that many women were illiterate suggests that they were dependent on informal information. Moreover, the flow of information was rather slow, so migrants never knew what the conditions would be like when they arrived. If women did not have personal acquaintances to gather such information, they had to consult professional organizations which assisted them in their choices about where to go and how to get there. Thus, professional networks in the sex business became common, ⁵³ and the difficulties and expense of long distance travel therefore created attractive business opportunities for networks in both free and unfree migration. ⁵⁴ Such networks worked internationally and had access to the main systems of transport. Many of them maintained employment agencies which offered jobs and collaborated with people in the transport and supply sector. ⁵⁵

It is not clear to what extent women were involved in their travel preparations and to what extent they were informed about where they were going and what the situation would be like at their destination. When women voluntarily consulted an employment agency but had to be smuggled illegally across a border, they became vulnerable to be forced into sex work. Illegal travel required a higher degree of organization and young uneducated women from rural areas who had no experience with travelling were dependent on others. Because they were cut off from their personal acquaintances, such women might find themselves in a position where they were forced into prostitution. ⁵⁶ There is evidence that women engaged in prostitution during their travels for protection and to improve their travelling conditions. ⁵⁷ When legislation became stricter around the turn of the twentieth century, more and more people had to travel illegally which may have resulted in more cases of coerced prostitution.

The most extreme form of coercion occurs when women are pushed or lured to migrate and then forced into prostitution. In such cases, they may have been persuaded to migrate by friends or family, talked into migrating by strangers, sold to procurers by family members, or simply kidnapped by traffickers. In almost all cases, a professional organization is involved in one way or another. Procurers try to keep the women isolated and therefore dependent on them. Such professional traffickers usually operate on established routes and the women are taken to places based on their suitability for the clientele in terms of their attractiveness and youth. ⁵⁸ Despite the common view that such involuntary migration and forced prostitution is the rule, many of the overviews stress that women took part in the business both knowingly and voluntarily. ⁵⁹

For those women who had the chance to decide themselves, there are several reasons to leave for a new destination. Moch defines migration as a change in residence beyond a communal border triggered by demand for labour, deployment of capital, shifts in population patterns, landholding regimes, family, and inheritance systems, as well as state politics and policies. ⁶⁰ Naturally, most such factors typical for labour migration also drive prostitutes’ movements, for example more or less practical aspects like overpopulation at the place of departure, the level of industrialization and hence opportunities to earn money at the destination, the existence of suitable transport and infrastructure for both the basic needs of everyday life and the job in particular, sufficient prospective clients and suppliers to support the business, or networks and acquaintances. Especially important for women engaging in a business which is restrained in most societies are favourable legal conditions promising a certain degree of personal freedom and freedom to do business, as well as a society that is not excessively prejudiced and discriminatory towards the migrant’s origin or lifestyle. Not all of these conditions have to be fulfilled at the same time, and the prospect of relative improvement is sufficient to make people move as long as both the actual and social costs such as the loss of relationships or the danger of change are worthwhile.

The prime reasons for prostitutes to migrate are indeed economic considerations. Hatton and Williamson describe the typical male migrant as single men from rural regions, unskilled labourers who leave their homes in order to improve their economic status. ⁶¹ Moch likewise identifies the search for better job opportunities combined with demographical factors as the main reasons for changing places. ⁶² The same can be stated for the women who engage in sex work, especially in the case of poorer prostitutes. Prospects for improvement like benefits for the family and the contribution of resources to the community play an important role for many women. ⁶³ Sometimes we can also observe cases of refugee migration among prostitutes, for example because of persecution, war, violence, or disasters. In any case, the goal of migration is generally to improve one’s situation and guarantee subsistence. ⁶⁴ Practically all of the urban overviews, whether they describe colonial locations or industrialized areas, tell of women leaving the countryside and going to the city in order to find employment. As already mentioned, preparations are sometimes laid out quite strategically and sometimes rather randomly; some women originally plan to find jobs in other sectors but end up in prostitution, while others seek to work as prostitutes from the beginning.

Very closely tied to the desire to find employment is the hope of escaping personal and structural poverty. Varying degrees of overpopulation and poverty are the main push factors everywhere. Rural areas do not have much to offer, so migrants, including women, seek out a better standard of living elsewhere. In some cases, women may hope to get rich, or at least earn easy or extra money so they can participate in the global consumer culture or take part in modern urban life. Such cases show that women willingly take up prostitution, choosing it over the other options available. At other times, prostitution can be a survival option for people who have been marginalized and for newcomers with few social resources, and it can also be a means of escaping a negative economic environment. ⁶⁵

While already conducting business, people migrate mainly in order to improve their own position, for example by seeking out or following clientele when commercial centres change or new places become more attractive. Similarly, people may migrate because of shifts in the gender balance, or they may want to flee from “disturbing” factors such as jealous or problematic spouses. A change in infrastructure can facilitate travel and places can become more or less attractive because of the existing facilities, taxes, or costs of doing business. For example, mass tourism increases the number of people visiting a given area, bringing a steady pool of rotating clientele. Many of the overviews also cite worsening social situations as push factors for migration, caused for example by civil unrest, rebellions, war, catastrophes, and famine, along with dispossession, changing production systems, and the discovery of natural resources. ⁶⁶

Besides economic considerations, legal conditions are another cause for migration, but the major waves of migration seem to be generally prompted by the labour market rather than state politics. ⁶⁷ While economic considerations appear to be equally important in all periods of time, the scope of official surveillance and legislation concerning sold sex has become globally broader and more comprehensive over the centuries. This trend was driven by a generally negative attitude towards prostitution in western Christian countries, the policies of which have shaped other systems of legislation. Eventually this trend gave way to more liberal attitudes especially in western countries by the end of the twentieth century, causing a reversal of the migration trend.

The choice to take up prostitution as a means of subsistence almost naturally leads to a preference for places where legislation is less strict and neighbourhoods where the police are lenient. In particular, women leave places where legislative racial or religious constraints make it difficult or impossible to work. In other cases, prostitutes migrate when a system of licensed prostitution is enacted or compulsory medical examinations are enforced. Turno offers an interesting interpretation of mobility as a form of resistance. On the other hand, forced migration for legal reasons can take the form of bans on certain people living in certain areas, deportation, or the closing of settlements. ⁶⁸

Social realities also cause people to migrate so they can be either closer to or further from family and friends. Many women migrate in order to help their families, and those who do so are mostly from poor or overpopulated areas. In some cases, women leave their homes because of family problems, to escape the control of the family or husband, or get out of a situation in which they do not receive sufficient support. The pressure of traditional rules, marginalization in the household, religious constraints, social deprivation, and inequality in the community are other reasons to migrate. In an urban setting, women selling sex can enjoy a certain amount of anonymity and avoid being stigmatized. Sometimes curiosity about a new place can also prompt women to migrate. ⁶⁹

Social factors are much more individual than economic or legal motivations and thus differ greatly. The degree of freedom and liberalization that exists in a given society can indicate how decisive such aspects are. Factors like role allocation in the household, gender equality, moral duties, the rigidity of ethical concepts, and attitudes towards sexuality in general set the background for decisions about migrating and taking up sex work. It seems that as an incentive, social factors generally are minor, especially when compared to economic reasons. In individual cases, however, social considerations may be the decisive ones. Overall it can be observed that female migrants do not necessarily have dysfunctional family backgrounds but in most cases they do suffer from poverty. ⁷⁰

Narratives about Migrant Prostitutes

Most narratives are initially based on facts but are quickly conflated with other issues and perceptions in society, resulting in a blend of fantasy and reality. They sometimes tell more about the standards and concepts of the society in which they arose, but a combination of all narratives creates a mosaic of a prototype of “the migrant prostitute”. Nevertheless, the border between concepts like “foreign” and “migrant”, or “local” and “native” becomes opaque so it is difficult to tell whether a woman is an actual newcomer who has just arrived or if it is her appearance or a lack of integration that makes her an outsider. Many of the narratives tell of a general othering of foreign elements in society, while others are directly built around the mobility of women.

One common dichotomy is that of the “local wife” and the “mobile prostitute”. Especially before World War ii, women who travelled alone were often associated with prostitution, regardless of their actual occupation. In many societies, women were expected to stay at home with the family. Those seeking independence and autonomy did not fit with the expected moral and ethical standards. Such “misconduct” was therefore interpreted to be a general lack of decency and a sign of loose morals, thus leading to accusations of prostitution. This idea that migrant women are more likely to end up in the sex business has led to many restrictions on their movement via various travel and health controls. While mobile men were a cause for pride, as they were seen as pioneering explorers and visionary innovators, the mobility of women posed a threat to patriarchal traditions and the moral integrity of society. According to Hoerder, Asian societies place particularly strict restrictions on female migration by drawing upon systems of family values and gendered power hierarchies, ⁷¹ but examples of hostility towards mobile women are numerous in all parts of the world. ⁷²

The fear of female mobility has intensified the notion that foreign women in general are closer to crime and prostitution than “local” women, i.e. those women who are integrated into society and whose outward appearance fit resident patterns. Therefore, the greater visibility of women believed to be foreign and thus migrant has been a cause for a generally precarious position in society. Furthermore, foreign women who are proven to be involved in the sex business are prime suspects for other illegal activities such as smuggling or drug use. With both migration and prostitution being a crime or at least close to criminality, the idea has become widespread that a person guilty of one is involved in other more serious infractions of the law. Sometimes the condemnation of foreign prostitutes has been utilized to cover up the presence of local prostitutes and create the image of a healthy society that is being “invaded” by dangerous elements. Thus, some sources state that there are more foreign prostitutes than local ones, although the figures available often do not support this view. ⁷³

Nevertheless, women who are not integrated into the host society and physically look different are indeed more vulnerable, and therefore they may actually end up being involved in criminal activities or prostitution more easily than their local counterparts. ⁷⁴ According to Hoerder, the extent of migrants’ interaction with the host society depends less on choice than on access to daily necessities and facilities. ⁷⁵ Especially in cases when their legal status is not clear, foreign women may have difficulties in maintaining a stable and secure life. Things that local women can easily access like housing and social integration are problematic and can be made up for by taking up work in a bordello. ⁷⁶ Thus, heightened visibility and actual vulnerability lead to a situation in which mobile women are more likely to be involved in activities that may be criminal.

A more favourable imagining of the migrant prostitute is that of a poor naïve girl in a dangerous world. This idea is partly based on a similar notion as that of the “loose” criminal whore: A “decent” girl would not leave her family and start working in the sex sector. So single women far away from their families can only be either complete villains, or force must have been involved in luring her from home. Especially in Christian societies and in those controlled by a Christian colonial administration, the ideal of purity made it beneficial to play the role of an innocent girl from the countryside that had been tricked into prostitution. Clients seem to prefer this idea of the fallen girl to that of a wise business woman, and both procurers and prostitutes are keen to satisfy customers. For some women, this positive image of a morally pure but fallen woman might help her find a client who pities her enough to free her from prostitution. In colonial times, this victim narrative was also used by European administrations to explain the existence of European prostitutes who were thought to tarnish notions of European moral supremacy and the integrity of the ruling European class. ⁷⁷

The sexual availability of women of one’s own nationality was not only a source of shame for Europeans in Europe, but also in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Even today, debates condemning prostitution on the grounds of national dignity can be observed. Turno argues that the fact that the trafficking of women and children are often discussed together strengthens this idea concerning the victimization of women. ⁷⁸ This perception of disgrace may have also led to a change in the victim narrative in the twentieth century. In Brazil, for example, the victim is now construed as a local mixed-race or black woman who is tricked into prostitution by foreign agents. As in former times, the women are depicted as being sexually inexperienced, rather passive, and cut off from outside contact. ⁷⁹

The status of prostitutes in the sex business is defined by their age, appearance, habits, class, and their clientele, but also by their actual or presumed origin. When a woman’s origin is apparent via physical traits, this establishes and strengthens hierarchies in business. ⁸⁰ Those are in many cases not a direct result of actual migration but a general characteristic of a business sector that is powerfully shaped by mixed origins and appearance. Categorizing sex workers according to their origin reflects thus not only the reality of the social hierarchies and the categories in the sex sector, but also echoes common notions about the expectations of such women. These hierarchies are sometimes also reflected in official regulations and administrations’ attitudes towards certain prostitutes, and many cities had quarters set aside for prostitutes of different origins who charged different prices. ⁸¹ Knowledge about these hierarchies may lead women to prefer or avoid certain locations, making ethnic background both a real and a constructed marker. Women frequently adopt ethnic identities and present themselves in whatever role best suits their business. They also tend to serve a particular clientele, and the origin and status of the client corresponds in most cases to the social ranking of the prostitute. ⁸¹

In colonial contexts, racial categories were common, and inevitably a dichotomy between a mostly privileged white category and a coloured category came into being. Therefore in most places prostitutes of European origin used to be the most sought after. Among them, “French” prostitutes were generally the most popular, and they charged the highest prices and worked in the best environments. They were thought to be elegant and refined and associated with “civilized”, i.e. expensive, quality services. On the other hand, many women from eastern Europe were associated with forced prostitution and cheap sex. Despite the lightness of their skin, they often lived in run-down quarters together with local “coloured” prostitutes. ⁸²

However, racial categories were not always an advantage for white prostitutes and sometimes led to the denial of their existence or a ban on their business. Their existence was a cause of shame for European administrations, especially when the women were available for the local population, as the “prestige of the white man” was seen as a means of ensuring colonial supremacy. White women were ascribed family roles and the task of maintaining normative standards and respectability. ⁸³ Prostitution was considered to be a backwards trade in the orient, where local women were thought to be loose and debased. The imagining of white women as the pure and chaste keepers of the family did not allow for erotic fantasies and hence European prostitution was strictly condemned, while the prostitution of coloured women was seen as a “necessary evil”. ⁸⁴ Hoerder explains the toleration of sexual relations between white men and non-white women in colonial societies in light of the fact that the sexual activities of male colonial officers and settlers were thought to be unavoidable. Although such interactions went against concepts of racial purity, it helped maintain the purity of home societies since the men were prohibited from bringing back coloured wives and children. ⁸⁵

Black and “coloured” women had to deal with a rather sexualized image. They were strongly associated with otherness and exoticism mixed with an erotic flair, but still viewed with suspicion and distrust. The idea that certain races are more prone to prostitution led to situations in which the working conditions of coloured women were better in terms of being less controlled, as long as they confined their sex work to the recognised sector. Nevertheless, indigenous women have in many cases been at the bottom of social and business hierarchies. The roots of such racialized eroticism can be traced back to colonial thought; in the colonial imagining, black women were seen as sexually rapacious and morally corrupt. In countries with a highly mixed population like Brazil, racial categories were especially complex, with light coloured women believed to be pretty, sentimental, and loving, and dark coloured women thought to be ugly and sexually depraved. ⁸⁶ For Hoerder, the construction of native women’s sexuality was carried out in terms of the sexual deprivation of colonial officers and settlers. White women were seen as inviolable, while colonized female bodies were easily accessible. ⁸⁷

In Asia, Europeans did not seem to have the same privileged position as elsewhere. European prostitutes from central and eastern Europe did not necessarily have a good reputation in contrast to the “quiet charm” ascribed to the native women. European prostitutes were said to practise their trade coldly in contrast to the passionate and loving local women. In contrast, the hierarchy was often influenced by women’s level of education. In many cases migrants represented the poorest and least educated group, so they were of the lowest class. National categories also influenced how prostitutes dressed, which was important in differentiating the various groups of people. In colonial Hanoi, Japanese prostitutes wore traditional outfits, makeup, and hairstyles that clearly distinguished them from the cheaper Chinese and Vietnamese prostitutes who were thought to be unclean and carriers of diseases. ⁸⁸ Stereotypes and hierarchies in prostitution persist today, if not in law then at least in practice. Governments habitually differentiate between migrants who enter a country for temporary labour and permanent settlers on the grounds of racial, gendered, geopolitical, and economic hierarchies. ⁸⁹ The tendency to value women from richer first-world countries more than those from poorer countries continues until today. In modern cyber prostitution there are different websites with different rates for foreign and local prostitutes. As in former times, it is still easier for local women who are comparatively well integrated to maintain their business unobserved by the authorities. Foreign prostitutes are exposed to more violence and police harassment, and have less control over their clients, working conditions, and money. There is also evidence of a division of labour based on origins which is still shaped around the social hierarchies of race and country of origin. ⁹⁰ On the other hand, an exotic flair is still a way to enliven sex fantasies: After World War ii, Havana’s exotic image was exploited in order to attract sex tourists from the us to a place that was “so near, yet so foreign”. ⁹¹

Conclusion

Changing places is a lifetime experience of women involved in the sex sector, and in many cases, they travel far more than people in other sectors. In addition, mobility and its attendant foreignness are both real and presumed characteristics which determine how those women are perceived by others and how they arrange their lives. Many aspects of their movement around the world fit some general notions in migration history, but several factors have led to a neglect of their involvement in research.

Pooley et al. identify five general problems in migration research which prove to be true for the migration of prostitutes: First, the life stories of people are overshadowed by the analysis of increasingly large data sets. This lack of individual sources is compensated for by the large-scale evaluation of quantitative material. Second, this focus on numbers and statistics provides a rather static and non-dynamic view of the events which led people to decide to change their lives and move. Third, many studies tend to focus on one small community so it is difficult to come to general findings that are also useful for other places and time periods. Fourth, explicit information from direct sources—if available—about the motives and effects of migration are often anecdotal and therefore not representative. Fifth, most research concentrates on periods and places for which data are relatively abundant and detailed regardless of their historical significance. ⁹²

Gender studies have already made a major contribution to the inclusion of women’s experiences in global history. The initial focus of migration studies on settlers’ movements has also slowly started to fall away. Still, the precarious situation of prostitutes brought about by the fact that sex work makes them social outsiders in most societies has led them to be disregarded. Their work and lifestyle are consequently stigmatized and criminalized, and they mostly belong to the social underclass. This leads to the perception that their experiences are of minor importance in terms of ground-breaking developments in global history. Indeed, if one is interested in pioneering explorations of new worlds, prostitutes do not provide new insights, as they tend to follow their male clients. Still, they provide a service, and a stable clientele is the basis for their living, so the fact that they follow their clientele is not a sign of passivity or subordination but simply a sensible business strategy.

Besides the neglect of women’s experiences in general and the disregard of women in the sex sector in particular, it is difficult to provide a globally balanced view of the movement of people for another reason. The term “migration” connotes long-distance mobility, border-crossing, and leaving or entering nation-states, thus maintaining a basic European concept which has shaped historiography until today. Local and regional mobility between areas that are not so rigidly administered (or in pre-nation-state periods and places) has been naturally far more widespread but is extremely difficult to trace, so many studies rely on the state as the basic analytical element and modernization as the main stimulus for migration. This approach almost automatically leads to an overemphasis on international mass migration as well as the role of the state administration, and internal and short distance migration as well as personal or communal considerations remain widely unobserved. European actors tend to be overrepresented and changes in global history brought about by Europe are overly emphasized. ⁹³

The main sources available for migration studies are administrational records of border crossings, local censuses registering the numbers and origins of residents, and police and court records that indicate conflicts. They reinforce the impression that laws and regulations dominate people’s lives and decisions, highlighting the role of Europeans as rulers in the colonial period. In the case of sex workers, such sources almost inevitably lead to an outlook tinged by criminalization, underscoring the need for women to do business in the underground which makes their decisions and actions much more opaque and thus unavailable for research.

But without consulting passports and immigration records, it is indeed difficult to find adequate criteria to identify “migrants”. Personal information concerning language, race, religion, ethnic markers, family background and self-ascription is difficult to obtain and ambiguous as well, for it implies that “foreigners” and social outsiders are the same as “migrants” and vice versa. Direct sources concerning migrants might reveal their actual and felt status, but in the case of prostitutes, they are extremely rare because many such women were illiterate (and there is also the problem of language barriers), as well as the fact of their illegality and marginalization within society. Existing non-administrational sources, especially in colonial locations, were written by male observers or the clients who share neither the language nor the cultural background of the women, and thus reflect not only a male perspective but also European values. ⁹⁴ Therefore, a wider variety of direct sources as well as more transnational research going beyond European concepts is needed in order to present the history of the migration of prostitutes in a more balanced light.